I 


: 


'hi     *?•■♦   Hdte   ^♦'"nppd   be! 


R  N I  & 


AUF, 


SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED 
PLAY  IN  CHILDHOOD 


SPONTANEOUS 

AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

IN  CHILDHOOD 


BY 


ALICE  CORBIN  SIES 

Formerly  Assistant  Professor  of  Childhood  Education, 

University  of  Pittsburgh,  and  Supervisor  of  Playgrounds 

for  Small  Children,  City  of  Pittsburgh 


£fom  fork 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1922 

All  rights  reserved 


56634 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


Copyright,  1922 
By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  August,  1922 


S5' 


\    \ 


TO  MY  MOTHER, 
MY  FIRST  PLAYFELLOW 


PREFACE 

Most  books  on  play  have  been  concerned  with  the 

^  spontaneous  activities  of  children  in  fortuitous  en- 
vironment, or  with  the  description  of  the  more  formal 

^  games  that  children  play.  The  author  has  not 
described  games  nor  has  she  discussed  the  informal 
play  of  children  as  it  may  be  observed  ordinarily  in 
the  home,  schoolyard,  and  vacant  lot,  but  has  given 

>-.     a  picture  of  children  at  play  in  a  planned  environment. 

t  If  the  main  task  of  civilization  is,  as  Wallas  suggests, 
to  produce  a  new  environment  whose  stimulation  of 
our  existing  dispositions  shall  tend  toward  a  good 
life,  then  the  chief  office  of  education  is  to  provide  an 
environment  whose  stimulation  of  the  predispositions 

*  ,    of  children  shall  tend  toward  a  good  life.     This  is  just 
what  the  author  has  done.     She  planned  an  environ- 
ment  adapted   to   stimulate   the   play   tendencies   of 
children  toward  right  responses.     The  original  nature 
|   of  children  is  conceived  by  the  author  not  as  antagon- 

J  istic  to  but  as  favorable  for  the  development  of  those 
qualities,  physical,  mental,  and  moral,  which  we  desire 
for  mankind  generally.  Human  nature  as  exhibited 
in  children  has  nothing  that  is  not  available  for  the 
good  life,  if  only  the  sequence  of  conduct  be  started 
in  the  right  direction  —  it  has  no  quality  we  can 
afford  entirely  to  lose.  But  it  is  in  the  wisely  planned 
environment  alone  that  human  nature  and  the  good 
life  are  wholly  consistent. 

Now  education  has  all  too  commonly  made  this 
mistake  —  it  has  been  concerned  over-much  with  the 
adjustment  of  children  to  the  existing  environment. 


viii  PREFACE 

Emphasis  has  been  placed  upon  what  we  hope  our 
children  will  become  rather  than  upon  what  children 
at  the  time  may  be.  This  is  contrary  to  the  method 
of  nature  and  to  the  actual  line  of  progress  of  the 
race  as  revealed  in  history.  Man  has  continually 
changed  environment  to  suit  his  own  needs,  his  own 
nature,  and  not  his  nature  to  suit  his  environment. 
The  present  trend  in  education  toward  a  greater 
recognition  of  human  nature  as  manifested  in  child- 
hood may  be  interpreted  as  an  attempt  to  do  prac- 
tically what  the  author  did,  namely,  to  create  an 
environment  that  shall  stimulate  the  predispositions 
of  children  toward  a  good  life,  in  the  belief  that 
abundant  life  in  the  present  is  the  best  preparation 
for  abundant  life  in  later  years.  Success  in  education, 
not  alone  for  individual  efficiency  but  even  more  for 
the  rapidly  enlarging  social  conceptions  of  the  times, 
depends  upon  our  knowledge  and  appreciation  of  the 
predispositions  of  children  and  our  skill  in  providing 
the  environment  adapted  to  stimulate  to  good  acts. 
Our  schools  are  in  much  need  of  this  skill.  The 
author  has  made  a  genuine  contribution  to  education 
in  clarifying  the  philosophy  underlying  the  spon- 
taneous play  of  children  in  the  various  fields  of  human 
endeavor  and  achievement  and  in  showing  how 
environment  may  be  adapted  to  tapping  the  deep 
reservoirs  of  child  nature,  of  human  nature,  in  edu- 
cational work. 

George  E.  Johnson 

Harvard  University 


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

My  chief  acknowledgements  are  to  the  children  in 
the  playgrounds  of  Pittsburgh  and  to  Mr.  George  E. 
Johnson,  who  shared  his  vision  of  education  through 
play  with  all  who  were  associated  with  him  during 
his  superintendency  of  the  Pittsburgh  playgrounds. 
It  was  while  endeavoring  to  plan  a  rich,  free  play  life 
for  the  children  under  ten  years  of  age  in  these  play- 
grounds that  it  occurred  to  me  to  jot  down  a  memo- 
randum of  their  spontaneous  activities.  After  using 
these  records  in  connection  with  my  courses  in  play 
and  in  childhood  education  at  the  University  of 
Pittsburgh,  I  decided  to  publish  these  records  in 
book  form  along  with  my  own  interpretations  of  the 
educational  meaning  and  value  of  particular  types  of 
play  and  games.  Many  of  the  records  presented  were 
supplied  by  play  leaders  or  by  students  in  the  play 
courses.  As  far  as  is  possible,  I  have  mentioned  the 
names  of  contributors  in  connection  with  the  records 
which  they  supplied.  The  records  kept  by  Miss 
Mary  T.  Lutz  were  especially  valuable.  Miss  Frances 
McGough  contributed  a  large  number  of  photo- 
graphs after  I  had  left  active  work  in  the  field :  to  her 
I  am  especially  indebted.  To  my  late  husband,  whose 
interest  and  sacrifices  facilitated  the  completion  of 
this  manuscript  under  difficult  conditions  and  who 
made  valuable  suggestions  after  reading  the  prelimi- 
nary draft  of  this  book,  I  wish  to  pay  the  tribute  due  to 
loyal  and  discriminating  cooperation. 

Alice  Corbin  Sies 


CONTENTS 


Part  I:  Play  and  Work  in  Childhood 

CHAPTER 

I     Introduction 

II     Play  and  Work:  An  Interpretation 


PAGE 

3 
9 


Part  II:  Dramatic  Plays  in  Childhood 

III  Education  through  Dramatic  Plays        .       .       .27 

IV  Playing  Doll  and  House 51 

V    Playing  Store 77 

VI  Playing  School 93 

VII  Hunting  Plays 97 

VIII  Fighting  Plays in 

IX  Playing  Hospital  and  Funeral         .       .       .       .132 

X  Playing  Fireman 141 

XI  Playing  Animals 147 

XII  A  Miscellaneous  Collection  of  Dramatic  Plays  .    164 

XIII  The  Dramatic  Plays  op  One  Child    .       .       .       .179 

Part  III:  Movement  Plays  of  Children 

XIV  The  Meaning  and  Significance  of  Movement       .    209 
XV    The  Value  of  Games  of  Skill  and  of  Play  Appa- 
ratus in  Motor  Education  .       .        .229 

XVI    Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control: 

Kicking,  Creeping,  Climbing,  Walking,  Running, 
Skipping,  Leaping,  and  Jumping  Plays     .        .237 
XVII    Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control: 

Swinging,  Sliding,  and  Other  Effortless  Movement 

Plays 257 

XVIII     Movement  of  Gross  Bodily  Control: 

Dancing  and  Swimming 272 


xii  CONTENTS 

i  II  W'TER  PAGE 

NIN     Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control: 

Throwing,  Rolling,  and  Spinning  Plays  .        .  283 

XX     Tin    Significance  of   Manipulation   as   a    Pi. ay 

Activity  .......  304 

XXI        SroNTAM  .(H  S    Pi  AY  IX  THK  EARTH  ....     313 

XXII    Spontaneous  Play  with  Fire  and  Water  .  341 

Part  IV:  Plays  Involving  Movement.  Impulse,  and  Curiosity 


XXIII  Visual  Exploration 

XXIV  Experimentation  with  Sound     .... 

Appendix  A:  Topical  References  and  Exercises  for  Textbook 
Assignment 

Appendix  B:  Bibliography  of  References  concerning  Play 
Index 


363 

381 


393 

427 
439 


PART  I 
PLAY  AND  WORK  IN  CHILDHOOD 


CHAPTER  I 

Introduction 

Sources  of  Material.  —  The  plays  described  in  this 
book  are  recorded  just  as  they  occurred  in  everyday 
life  on  the  playground  and  in  the  home.  Most  of 
them  are  experiences  vital  to  the  growth  and  develop- 
ment of  children.  To  the  seeing  mind  and  the  under- 
standing heart  these  plays  are  throbbing  with  human 
interest.  They  present  in  panoramic  view  a  vast 
throng  of  children  playing  out  the  great  experiences 
of  life,  "hunger  and  labor,  seedtime  and  harvest, 
life  and  death."  The  children  pictured  in  these 
records  are  not  products  of  the  imagination,  nor 
so-called  "universal  types."  They  are  real  creatures, 
flesh  and  blood;  moving  among  us;  breathing  vitally 
of  life  at  its  best  and  worst;  laughing  and  crying, 
teasing  and  caressing,  loving  and  hating,  bullying  and 
protesting. 

The  result  of  this  general  survey  of  the  field  of 
spontaneous  play  in  childhood  is  not  a  system  of  play 
representing  a  bird's-eye  view  of  all  human  endeavors 
and  achievements  as  they  are  related  to  the  home, 
school,  church,  and  state,  but  a  string  of  play  activities 
touching  life  at  every  point.  The  arrangement  is 
psychological  rather  than  logical.  The  logical  classi- 
fication exists  for  the  adult  mind  alone.     To  the  child, 


4  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

life  is  an  unrolling  and  unraveling  of  tangled  bits  of 
experience;  a  laugh,  a  look,  a  frown,  a  tree  to  climb, 
a  well  to  dig,  a  lesson  to  learn,  a  reward  to  win  —  all 
these  are  part  and  parcel  of  the  changing  and  varying 
events  which  come  from  the  constant  adjustment  to 
other  people  and  things.  House,  stoic,  soldier, 
carpenter,  blacksmith,  fireman,  reindeer,  chickens, 
hospital,  restaurant,  wedding  and  funeral  are  all 
shifting  scenes  in  the  panorama  of  life.  The  child 
plays  one  as  naturally  as  he  does  another.  And  as  he 
plays  he  discovers  the  meaning  of  things.  No  experi- 
ence is  too  sordid,  none  too  sacred  to  be  represented 
in  play.  Eating  and  sleeping,  living  and  dying  are 
all  experiences  which  the  child  plays  out;  testing  and 
proving,  sifting  and  rejecting,  according  to  standards 
of  his  own. 

The  Arrangement  and  Classification  of  the  Mate- 
rial. -  In  reporting  this  exploration  into  the  field  of 
spontaneous  play  the  author  has  carefully  avoided 
any  comprehensive  classification,  either  from  the 
theoretical  or  the  practical  side.  The  problem  of 
interpreting  children's  play  is  a  complex  and  difficult 
one.  While  we  can  study  only  particular  plays  or 
games,  the  clearer  we  keep  in  mind  the  original  nature 
of  the  child  and  the  results  he  seeks  in  any  particular 
type  of  play,  the  surer  we  may  feel  that  we  are  keeping 
on  the  main  highroad  of  children's  interests.  For 
this  reason  it  seems  safer  to  arrange  in  one  group 
plays  which  are  dominant]}-  dramatic  in  significance; 
in  another  group,  plays  which  are  concerned  primarily 
with  movement;  and  in  still  another  group,  plays  in- 
volving experimentation  and  manipulation  of  natural 


INTRODUCTION  5 

forces  and  materials  than  to  attempt  an  elaborate 
classification  of  plays  and  games.  We  thus  deal  with 
large  typical  experiences  indicating  general  interests 
and  avoid  separate  classifications  of  specialized  inter- 
ests. 

The  Aim  of  This  Study. — The  aim  of  this  excursion 
into  the  field  of  spontaneous  play  and  work  is  to  be 
concrete  and  specific  in  the  interpretation  of  both. 
Work  and  play  when  considered  theoretically  have 
been  the  subjects  of  much  controversy  among  biolo- 
gists, anthropologists,  educators,  and  artists,  who 
have  searched  for  a  special  cause  for  play  as  opposed 
to  work.  In  the  popular  mind  we  find  play  rather 
in  disrepute,  because  associated  either  with  sugar- 
coated  methods  of  pedagogy  or  with  amusement. 
On  the  other  hand  we  find  work  as  popularly  miscon- 
ceived; it  is  often  confused  with  labor,  which  is 
economically  valuable,  and  perhaps  intrinsically  dis- 
tasteful. In  order  to  clear  up  some  of  the  popular 
misconceptions  regarding  work  and  play,  as  well  as 
to  approach  the  study  scientifically,  the  author 
proposes  to  study  play  and  work  as  ways  of  acting, 
modes  of  living,  differentiating  one  from  the  other 
through  an  examination  of  the  conditions,  social  and 
organic,  which  change  action  from  one  form  of  expres- 
sion into  another.  There  seems  to  be  a  real  need  to 
approach  play  in  a  more  nearly  exact  and  measurable 
way.  This  method  involves,  of  necessity,  a  study  of 
the  origin  of  play  and  of  work  in  the  original  tenden- 
cies of  man,  and  takes  into  account  the  effects  of  the 
psychological  condition  of  children,  as  well  as  their 
individual   variations   along   the   lines   of   hereditary 


6  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

instincts  and  capacities.  It  also  involves  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  social  factors  in  the  situations  studied. 

The  Path  of  Study  Leads  Away  from  the  Idea  of 
Play  as  an  Instinct.  —  Whenever  we  embark  on  a 
study  of  individual  plays  in  concrete  social  situations 
we  realize  we  must  depart  from  the  time-worn  custom 
of  considering  play  as  a  single  instinct.  When  play 
was  so  regarded,  each  type  of  play  studied  was  viewed 
as  so  much  red  tape  of  heredity  to  be  unraveled  and 
disposed  of  before  the  real  preparation  for  life  could  be 
undertaken.  The  following  method  of  analysis  reveals 
beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  that  play  and  work 
are  made  up  of  the  serious  use  of  a  large  variety  of 
instincts  and  capacities,  and  are  not  due  to  the  exercise 
of  single-track  instincts  like  hunting  and  fighting 

An  Illustration  of  the  Author's  Method  of  Analyzing 
Plays.  —  As  an  illustration  of  the  complexity  of  the 
problem  of  analyzing  children's  play,  the  writer  pre- 
sents a  typical  analysis.  This  single  example  of  the 
method  of  procedure  ought  to  show  the  difficulties  we 
meet  in  studying  play.  Two  seven-year-old  boys  are 
playing  policeman.  They  quarrel  between  them- 
selves as  to  which  shall  be  the  traffic  officer  and  finally 
agree  to  take  turns.  One  child  stands  on  the  crossing 
of  a  quiet  street,  raises  a  warning  hand  to  a  switt 
moving  vehicle,  signals  some  school  children  not  to 
cross  the  street,  assists  a  small  child  to  collect  the 
potatoes  he  has  dropped  from  a  bag,  resists  with  blows 
an  attempt  of  the  other  policeman  to  take  his  turn 
before  the  time  agreed  upon,  leaves  his  post  to  chase  a 
stray  cat,  then  forgets  all  about  his  duties  to  run  after 
a  boy  on  a  velocipede,   hoping  that  he  may  secure 


INTRODUCTION  7 

from  him  a  much  coveted  ride.  In  this  apparently 
simple  dramatic  play  we  see  many  tendencies  and 
instincts  manifested.  There  is  the  tendency  to 
dramatize  striking  events;  there  is  spontaneous  kind- 
liness toward  the  weak  and  helpless;  there  is  the 
fighting  instinct  connected  with  self-interest;  the 
arousal  of  a  specific  hunting  response;  and  an  example 
of  the  precedence  of  the  claim  of  the  new  and  novel. 

Not  all  of  the  records  presented  show  as  complex  an 
array  of  tendencies,  but  few  are  as  simple  to  analyze 
as  the  old-time  method  of  approach  would  indicate. 
Many  of  the  records  collected  in  Pittsburgh  reveal 
great  limitations  of  environment,  physical  and  social. 
Some  of  the  children  were  literally  starved  for  real 
experiences  out  of  which  to  construct  plays  and  games 
worthy  of  civilized  society.  While  the  enlarging  of 
the  content  of  play  is  one  of  the  great  advantages  of 
play  leadership  in  organized  play  centers,  yet  this  can 
not  be  accomplished  in  a  day  or  a  year. 

The  old-time  method  of  injecting  into  spontaneous 
play  an  entirely  new  content  through  the  use  of  imita- 
tion is  a  serious  menace  to  spontaneous,  sincere 
expression.  However,  in  playground  centers  so  organ- 
ized that  children  play  in  groups  according  to  psy- 
chological age,  as  in  the  Pittsburgh  playgrounds,  it  is 
easier  to  work  toward  that  goal. 

Limitations  of  This  Study.  —  It  would  have  been 
interesting  to  the  author  to  trace  the  development  of 
the  play  activities  presented  in  this  book  into  the  field 
of  subject  matter  in  the  elementary  school  curriculum. 
However,  so  many  objectives  enter  into  the  making  of 
curricula    that   are   not   necessarily   considered   in   a 


8  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

psychological  analysis  of  spontaneous  and  supervised 
play,  that  it  is  hardly  practicable  to  combine  the  two 
problems  in  one  book. 

How  to  Use  This  Book  as  a  Textbook.  --  For 
kindergartners  and  primary  teachers  who  wish  to  use 
this  book  as  a  text  in  normal  schools  and  colleges,  the 
author  presents  in  the  appendix  at  the  end  of  the  book 
a  list  of  books  for  collateral  reading  and  exercises 
related  to  the  problems  and  principles  stated  in  each 
chapter. 


CHAPTER  II 
Play  and  Work:  An  Interpretation 

Play    and    Work    have    the    Same    Origin.  —  In 

attempting  to  discriminate  between  play  and  work  we 
may  be  certain  of  one  thing:  when  the  child  plays  and 
when  he  works  he  relies  upon  the  same  original  ten- 
dencies, the  inherited  instincts  and  capacities  to 
initiate  his  efforts,  to  start  things  going.  A  few 
examples  from  such  original  starting  points  as  food 
getting,  teasing,  fighting,  ownership,  collecting,  moth- 
erly behavior,  rivalry,  imitation,  desire  for  approval  or 
display,  gregariousness,  and  the  like,  will  perhaps  serve 
to  make  clear  how  close  in  origin  are  work  and  play. 
For  example,  let  an  adult  take  some  children  to  a 
wood  for  a  happy  playtime.  Watch  the  children  run 
hither  and  thither  collecting  flowers,  leaves,  and  nuts. 
Notice  their  happy  rivalry  as  they  vie  for  advantage  in 
seeking  their  treasures;  see  their  motherly  behavior 
toward  the  little  ones  in  the  group;  watch  the  playful 
fighting  and  the  various  appeals  for  adult  approval. 
Let  us  suppose  the  little  group  of  children  becomes 
lost  from  its  adult  protectors,  and  that  night  sets  in. 
With  the  pangs  of  hunger  comes  the  struggle  among 
members  of  the  group  for  the  remainder  of  the  lunch. 
Serious  fighting  takes  the  place  of  the  former  playful 
combat  and  an  unpleasant  rivalry  of  ideas  regarding 
the  best  thing  to  do  succeeds  the  former  pleasantries 
in  conversation. 

In  both  situations  the  mainsprings  of  action  are  the 
same;  in  one  situation,  however,  adult  protection  and 


10  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

a  favorable  environment  permit  a  happy,  casual, 
almost  accidental  use  of  the  instincts  of  food  getting, 
fighting,  teasing,  ownership,  collecting,  motherly 
behavior,  and  the  like;  in  the  second  situation,  fear, 
hunger,  cold,  and  dark  stimulate  a  serious,  carefully 
planned  use  of  the  same  instinctive-  tendencies. 

Play  and  Work  are  Distinguished  by  the  Conditions 
Attending  Them.  —  Play  and  work,  then,  having  the 
same  origin  are  distinguishable  by  the  conditions 
which  force  changes  in  actions.  In  both  situations 
the  children  fight,  tease,  and  manifest  rivalry,  owner- 
ship, motherly  behavior,  and  the  like.  In  one  case 
reflection  upon  an  end,  the  necessity  to  find  protec- 
tion, food,  warmth,  and  light,  checks  spontaneous 
activity  and  leads  to  a  rearrangement  of  experience 
to  get  desired  results,  in  fact  forces  the  children  to 
desist  from  a  happy  circumstantial,  casual  set  of 
actions  and  follow  a  course  which  prudence,  fear,  and 
apprehension  render  necessary.  The  distinction  is 
between  a  set  of  actions  free,  spontaneous,  and 
intrinsically  satisfying  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  set 
of  actions  forced,  planned,  and  necessary  on  the  other. 
There  was,  it  is  true,  thought  upon  means  and  ends 
in  the  happy  playtime;  but  the  interest  in  the  means 
and  ends  involved  in  the  play  was  sufficient  to  keep 
the  activity  going  by  its  own  momentum.  When 
dark,  hunger,  and  cold  appeared,  reflection  had  to 
proceed  along  lines  dictated  by  results,  not  by  interest 
in  the  means  of  accomplishing   the  results. 

Examples.  A  simpler  situation  may  serve  to 
clarify  the  main  distinctions  between  work  and  play. 
A  little  child  is  playing  on  the  floor  with  his  blocks. 


Play  and  Work  Not  Distinguished  by  External  Results 


12  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

He  builds  a  boat  and  pushes  it  about  on  the  floor  say- 
ing, "Chu,  Chu."  Suddenly  it  occurs  to  him  that 
his  boat  should  have  a  whistle.  He  looks  among  his 
blocks  for  one  of  suitable  shape,  and  places  it  toward 
the  front  of  his  boat.  But  at  the  first  movement 
the  whistle  topples  over.  Now  the  little  child  angrily 
pushes  the  blocks  apart,  thinking  he  is  tired  of  boats. 
But  somehow  an  image  of  a  successful  boat  persists  in 
his  mind.  Again  he  builds  up  the  boat,  this  time 
placing  the  whistle  toward  the  rear.  Again  the  boat 
topples  over.  The  boy  sits  still  awhile  contemplating 
the  wrecked  boat.  Something  urges  him  on.  He 
patiently  rebuilds  the  blocks,  fastening  the  whistle  in 
the  middle  of  the  boat  by  using  two  blocks  to  support 
it  at  each  side.  And  behold,  the  boat  proceeds 
smoothly  on  its  course.  The  boy  has  mastered  a 
necessary  adjustment  between  work  and  play.  He 
has  learned  to  plan  how  to  reach  a  certain  end,  even 
where  the  means  devised  are  not  intrinsically  pleasant 
and  satisfying. 

It  would  be  folly,  however,  to  conclude  that  when- 
ever a  break  occurs  in  a  smooth-running,  spontaneous 
activity  the  activity  as  a  whole  is  work.  With  little 
children  this  might  be  true  if  the  break  were  not 
happily  and  quickly  bridged  over.  The  ideas  of  little 
children  naturally  flow  immediately  into  action. 
In  building  with  blocks,  for  example,  they  are  satisfied 
to  make  an  oblong  block  serve  for  a  whistle,  a  man, 
a  track,  or  a  bed,  so  long  as  the  train  of  thought  moves 
on  unchecked.  Older  children  cluck  up  their  own 
play,  imposing  longer  breaks  in  order  to  make  their 
results  approximate  more  nearly  the  realities  of  things. 


PLAY   AND   WORK  1 3 

A  boy  of  ten  years,  for  example,  experiments  perhaps 
an  hour  in  order  to  construct  an  adequate  whistle  for 
a  toy  boat.  He  has  some  regard  for  the  physical 
properties  of  things  —  his  boat  must  be  of  seasoned 
lumber;  his  whistle  must  be  cylindrical;  his  smoke 
stacks  must  be  proportioned  to  cabin  and  deck  —  in 
fact,  all  the  parts  of  the  boat  must  be  assembled  to 
approximate  the  proportions  of  real  boats.  In  attain- 
ing this  result  he  carefully  considers  means  and  ends. 
He  may  search  for  an  hour  to  find  a  piece  of  seasoned 
lumber,  make  a  journey  to  a  factory  to  get  a  piece  of 
wood  suitable  for  a  boat,  or  whittle  patiently  for  an 
hour  to  shape  the  prow  or  stern  of  the  boat  in  lifelike 
proportions.  In  other  words,  he  may  work  or  even 
perform  drudgery  to  attain  a  play  purpose.  Insofar, 
however,  as  the  activity  of  boat  making  as  a  whole 
is  enjoyed  for  its  own  sake,  and  is  adapted  to  the  boy's 
powers  and  stage  of  development,  even  though  it  is 
frequently  interrupted  by  reflection  on  the  means  and 
ends  involved,  it  is  or  ought  to  be  considered  a  play 
activity. 

Other  examples  may  make  more  clear  the  fact  that 
the  attitude  used  in  performing  an  activity  determines 
some  of  the  distinguishing  factors  between  work  and 
play. 

The  Manner  or  Attitude  in  which  an  Activity  is 
Performed  is  one  Means  of  Determining  Whether  it 
is  Work  or  Play.  —  A  boy  left  alone  with  his  new 
canoe  experiments  joyfully  in  adapting  his  strength 
and  skill  to  the  problem  of  moving  his  boat  in  the 
water.  If  he  is  given  certain  directions  which  he  must 
follow  explicitly,  his  activity  becomes  work  because 


14  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

he  can  no  longer  yield  himself  to  the  accidental  and 
casual  discovery  of  ways  and  means  of  moving  the 
canoe;  he  must  subordinate  experimentation  to  rules 
which  necessitate  a  fixed  series  of  muscular  move- 
ments. 

One  more  example  will  perhaps  suffice  to  show  that 
work  and  play  differ  not  so  much  in  the  external  results 
reached  as  in  the  manner  of  gaining  the  results. 
Some  little  children  in  a  playroom  were  making  a  doll's 
bed.  They  had  at  their  disposal  a  complete  set  of 
bed  clothes  which  they  were  adjusting  over  a  sick  doll. 
Their  movements  were  free  and  spontaneous,  prompt- 
ed by  the  interest  in  caring  for  the  doll.  Presently  a 
teacher  appeared.  She  expressed  surprise  that  the 
bed  was  so  poorly  made,  forthwith  removed  the  sick 
doll  from  the  bed,  and  instructed  the  children  how  to 
make  a  bed  properly.  The  joy  died  out  of  the 
children's  faces;  their  hands  did  quick  service,  their 
minds  grasped  the  principles  of  bedmaking,  but  the 
results  partook  of  the  nature  of  \vork.  When  the 
teacher  passed  on,  taking  with  her  a  sense  of  duty  well 
done,  the  children  began  again  to  play.  "You  poor 
little  thing!"  said  one  child,  hugging  her  doll  close  to 
her,  "your  back  must  ache  from  lying  on  a  bed 
without  a  pad!"  Straightway  she  whisked  the  bed 
clothes  off  again  and  put  them  on  the  bed  exactly  as 
the  teacher  had  done,  with  this  exception:  her  mind 
was  not  bent  on  a  successive  order  of  acts  connected 
with  bedmaking,  but  on  the  purpose  of  making  her 
doll  comfortable  and  happy.  The  results  partook  of 
the  nature  of  play,  because  the  child's  attitude  was 
free    and    experimental,   since    the    series    of    events 


PLAY   AND   WORK 


15 


connected  with  bedmaking  was  subordinated  to  the 
child's  happy  solicitude  and  care  for  her  doll. 

Likewise  in  adult  life,  so  long  as  any  series  of  events 
connected  with  a  felt  need  are  moving  on  progressively 
and  happily,  bringing  immediate  satisfaction  in  the 
performance,  we  may  say  the  activity  as  a  whole  is 
play.  But  where  the  series  of  events  is  constantly 
interrupted,  and  has 
to  be  checked  up  by  a 
set  demand  for  a  re- 
sult not  immediately 
satisfying  in  itself,  but 
leading  to  some  end 
which  will  be  satisfy- 
ing later  on,  we  say  the 
activity  is  preemi- 
nently work.  We  say 
that  a  philosopher 
plays  with  ideas,  an 
artist  with  pigment 
and  color,  a  child  with 
blocks,  sand,  and  clay, 
not  because  the  experi- 
mentations of  each  are 
entirely  playful  but  because  in  each  case  the  activity 
as  a  whole  moves  joyfully  forward  along  the  line  of 
preference,  obstacles  and  checks  being  met  cheerfully 
and  constructively. 

When  Necessity  of  Better  Adaptation  to  Life 
Brings  Breaks  in  a  Smoothly  Running  Activity, 
Work  is  Involved  to  Bridge  the  Difficulty.  —  Life 
abounds  in  illustrations  of  this  psychological  difference 


A  Task  for  an  Adult  Is  Play  to 
a  Child 


1 6  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

between  work  and  play.  Take  the  aforementioned 
philosopher  as  another  example.  Let  us  suppose  he 
has  played  his  ideas  into  a  certain  system  of  thought. 
With  his  whole  being  he  delights  to  ponder  over 
subtleties  in  opinion.  He  builds  up  concepts  of 
relativity  in  thought  values  and  he  loves  the  thought- 
product  built  up  in  his  mind.  A  war  looms  on  the 
horizon;  new  values  emerge,  bringing  the  necessity  of 
new  relationships  among  ideas.  His  sense  of  the 
fitness  of  things  is  shocked.  His  thought  building 
halts  and  proceeds  laboriously;  his  attention  is  no 
longer  spontaneous  and  joyous,  but  labored  and 
derived.  Slowly  he  rearranges  the  contents  of  his 
mind  in  the  light  of  pressure  from  without.  He  no 
longer  plays  with  thought  values;  he  works  with 
them,  even  performs  mental  drudgery  to  bridge  over 
the  chasms  of  spiritual  and  economic  necessity. 

A  last  example  of  the  difference  in  work  and  play 
as  attributable  to  differences  in  psychological  attitude 
may  be  taken  from  childhood.  A  little  child  likes  to 
throw.  When  out  of  doors  he  picks  up  pebbles  and 
stones,  papers,  pieces  of  wood  or  metal  and  thows 
them  about  as  whim  and  caprice  suggest.  His  mother 
appears  and  demands  that  he  throw  all  these  loose 
materials  into  a  refuse  heap.  At  once  the  boy's 
interest  wanes,  his  movements  lose  their  pristine 
vigor;  his  throwing  becomes  aimless.  And  why.'' 
Because  there  is  no  chance  to  experiment,  to  perform 
a  muscular  act  and  get  variations  in  result.  But 
suppose  a  wise  educator  appears  upon  the  scene. 
She  demands  exactly  what  the  mother  does,  that  these 
different  materials  be  thrown  upon  the  refuse  heap, 


PLAY  AND  WORK  1 7 

but  with  this  difference:  she  suggests  that  the  child 
watch  carefully  to  see  which  he  can  throw  faster, 
wood,  metal,  paper,  or  stones.  The  boy's  attention 
becomes  alert,  his  muscular  movements  vigorous,  his 
activity  assumes  the  likeness  of  play.  Why?  Be- 
cause he  can  create  through  throwing.  He  can  be  a 
cause,  experiment,  watch  results,  and  gloat  over 
achievements.  And  now  the  work  is  completed  and 
the  refuse  is  set  on  fire.  Again  the  boy  and  the 
educator  enter  into  the  realm  of  play.  They  watch 
the  burning  fragments  of  material;  they  poke  about 
with  a  stick  to  discriminate  between  ashes  made  by 
paper  and  by  wood;  they  marvel  at  the  resistance 
stone  makes  to  fire;  they  watch  the  melting  metal. 
They  are  scientists  playing  with  physical  laws  and 
forces.  They  might  have  become  mere  toilers,  col- 
lecting a  pile  of  refuse  to  be  relegated  to  the  dump 
heap. 

Variation  in  Capacities  and  Habits  Makes  the  Same 
Act  Play  for  One  Person  and  Work  for  Another. —  In 
considering  play,  we  come  face  to  face  with  the 
problem  of  individual  preferences  due  to  differences  in 
inherited  capacities.  It  is  this  difference  in  original 
nature  which  makes  it  play  for  one  child  with  an 
artistic  temperament  to  experiment  continually  with 
color,  pigment,  and  form,  and  converts  another  child's 
experimentation  along  this  line  into  work.  If  you 
place  a  group  of  children  in  a  playroom  and  allow 
them  free  access  to  a  large  number  of  materials,  one 
child  will  sometimes  seek  the  same  material  again  and 
again.  In  observing  children  in  a  certain  playroom, 
the  writer  noticed  that  one  little  child  returned  day 


18  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

after  day  to  experimentation  with  color  and  f<  rm. 
She  built  tiles  into  rugs  and  carpets;  she  painted  with 
an  abundance  of  color;  she  strung  colored  heads  in  a 
variety  of  combinations  of  color  and  form ;  she  used 
colored  papers  and  cloth  skillfully  and  artistically. 
Another  child  with  a  strong  bent  toward  mathematics 
revealed  the  tendency  in  the  pre-kindergarten  period. 
He  used  blocks  with  due  rega~d  for  mathematical 
proportions.  It  was  play  when  he  studied  out  the 
proportions  of  a  house  and  subjected  the  blocks  to 
tests  and  formulae  of  his  own  choosing;  just  as  the  little 
girl  was  playing  when  she  chose  colors  for  a  carpet 
design.  If  the  situation  were  reversed  we  should  see 
the  little  girl  work  at  building  a  house  from  a  mathe- 
matical formula  and  the  boy  work  to  attain  certain 
color  combinations.  We  see,  then,  that  individual 
differences  in  inherited  abilities,  or  lack  of  abilities, 
account  for  some  of  the  distinctions  in  play  and  work  in 
the  case  of  individual  children. 

Differences  in  Physiological  Condition  are  Attended 
by  Changes  in  the  Attitude  of  Work  and  Play.  - 
Physiological  condition  or  variation  in  readiness  to 
act  in  certain  ways  at  certain  times,  has  to  be  con- 
sidered in  discriminating  between  work  and  play. 
The  law  of  readiness  accounts  for  many  of  the  differ- 
ences between  them.  A  little  child  plays  busily  and 
happily  at  his  blocks;  suddenly  his  brain  becomes 
fatigued  and  thought  ceases  to  How  readily  into 
action.  The  blocks  at  once  become  distasteful  to 
him.  With  an  impetuous  gesture  he  pushes  them 
away  and  runs  to  the  swing  or  climbing  rope.  Here 
he  assumes  new   postures,   stretches  himself,   uses  a 


PLAY  AND   WORK  1 9 

different  set  of  muscles.  After  a  time  his  interest  in 
building  reasserts  itself.  To  compel  him  to  continue 
at  the  building  when  brain  tracts  are  not  rested  and 
ready  to  serve  is  to  induce  fatigue  and  force  him 
into  work  or  drudgery. 

An  adult  with  literary  talents  sometimes  sits  down 
to  creative  work  attuned  in  body  and  mind  to  the 
happy  art  of  pouring  forth  his  thoughts  into  channels 
of  literary  production.  Again,  when  he  seats  himself 
at  his  desk,  his  brain  seems  set  along  other  lines. 
With  great  difficulty  he  forces  his  attention  to  the 
task  at  hand.  He  may  be  able  to  overcome  the  lack 
of  facility  by  sheer  will  power;  or  the  conditions  of 
fatigue  may  overcome  him,  and  he  may  deem  it  wiser 
to  set  aside  the  work  until  he  can  command  the  desire 
and  control  the  execution  more  readily. 

Types  of  Play  are  Closely  Related  to  Structural 
Changes  in  the  Body.  —  Writers  advocating  the 
biological  theory  of  play  have  made  a  valuable  con- 
tribution in  that  they  have  pointed  out  the  close 
correlation  between  somatic  growth  and  the  changing 
types  of  play.  One  of  the  exponents  of  this  theory 
of  play  says:  "Is  it  not  significant  that  whatever  the 
type  of  play  may  be,  it  just  keeps  pace  with  the  type 
of  somatic  growth?  And  does  not  the  impulse  to 
exercise  these  growing  parts  furnish  all  the  explana- 
tion that  is  needed  for  the  existence  of  the  play 
activity?"1  On  the  whole  the  attempt  to  account  for 
types  of  play  through  "biological  necessity"  has  led 
to  the  sanest  effort  yet  made  among  investigators  of 

1  L.  E.  Appleton:  A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of 
Adult  Savages  and  Civilized  Children,  p.  78. 


20  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

play.  The  biological  theory  of  play  accounts  for 
many  of  the  common  elements  in  the  play  of  children 
the  world  over  and  shows  the  relation  of  such  big  types 
of  play  as  running  games,  fighting  plays,  and  con- 
structive activities  to  the  order  of  development  of  the 
nervous  system. 

This  theory  of  play  has  its  implications  in  a  con- 
sideration of  the  relation  of  play  to  work.  Work  in 
childhood  should  have  almost  as  close  a  correlation 
with  somatic  changes  as  does  play.  That  the  work  of 
children  does  not  always  answer  the  purpose  of  growth 
is  a  sad  commentary  upon  society.  When  adults 
impose  upon  children  tasks  which  are  meaningless, 
and  which  do  not  function  in  the  child's  needs,  or 
worse  yet,  tasks  the  performance  of  which  violates 
the  nature  of  the  doer,  fatigue  results  from  the 
conflict  between  desire  and  necessity.  Children  tire 
in  play,  of  course,  but  only  after  the  vital  energy  has 
spent  itself  and  brought  a  train  of  beneficial  accompani- 
ments. 

When  any  given  piece  of  work  is  as  closely  related 
to  its  corresponding  period  of  growth  as  is  spontaneous 
play;  when,  in  fact,  because  of  the  close  relation  of  the 
work  problems  to  the  individual's  inherited  powers 
and  capacities,  the  transition  of  play  into  work  is 
accomplished  almost  unconsciously,  then  and  then 
only  have  we  made  work  a  method  of  social  life  which 
brings  not  only  efficiency  but  a  full  rich  lift-  in  its  train. 

The  Aims  of  a  Desirable  Schedule  of  Play  and 
Work.  --  Yet  even  where  play  and  work  are  so  closely 
related  that  both  spring  from  the  demands  of  growth, 
and  play  passes  insensibly  into  work,  we  still  have  the 


PLAY   AND   WORK  21 

problem  before  us  to  see  that  both  play  and  work  in 
childhood  are  of  the  kinds  that  function  in  the  social 
life  and  occupations  of  a  people.  It  is  of  a  tremendous 
advantage  to  enable  children  through  early  play  and 
work  habits  to  participate  in  the  really  productive 
work  of  the  community.  The  individual  has  to 
acquire  social  efficiency,  and  if  he  accomplishes  part 
of  this  adjustment  in  the  early  activities  of  life  he  has 
become  initiated  into  society  at  a  tremendously  low 
cost  of  effort,  and  has  done  so  while  engaging  in 
activities  which  enlist  his  own  instincts,  emotions, 
and  imagination.  The  foundation  of  social  efficiency 
is  laid  in  the  early  activities  of  society.  It  is  the  part 
of  education  to  lay  this  foundation  so  firmly  that 
even  the  stress  and  strain  of  an  unbalanced  industrial 
world  may  not  entirely  warp  the  original  purpose  of 
work,  and  leave  the  individual  in  doubt  as  to  the 
value  of  life  and  effort. 

Present  Economic  Conditions  Make  the  Adjust- 
ment of  Work,  Play,  and  Labor  a  Difficult  One.  — 
But  society  is  not  at  present  so  organized  that  each 
individual  can  perform  the  bit  of  work  related  to  his 
powers  and  capacities.  The  specialization  of  indus- 
try, so  organized  that  industrial  processes  are  broken 
up  into  bits,  often  makes  it  necessary  that  each 
worker  perform  an  isolated  piece  of  work  in  order  to 
bring  about  certain  combined  results.  And  so  the 
product  of  each  individual's  effort  does  not  act  as  a 
stimulus  for  something  new  and  better,  but  is  used  as 
a  medium  of  exchange  by  which  he  buys  desired  things. 
So  we  have  the  labor  problem  of  the  eight  hour  day 
and  the  problem  of  recreation;  for  toilers  experience 


22  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

an  exhaustion  of  used  powers,  and  seek  recuperation 
through  calling  into  play  the  vast  sources  of  unused 
powers,  a  tremendously  wasteful  system,  and  one 
which  demands  a  national  campaign  for  an  enlight- 
ened social  conscience  with  accompanying  social  and 
economic  reforms. 

The  Place  of  Adult  Occupations  in  Children's 
Play.  —  Adult  occupations  naturally  play  a  large 
role  in  a  repertoire  of  spontaneous  play.  This 
apprenticeship  in  the  world's  work  begins  at  home. 
Under  the  tutelage  of  the  mother  and  father,  children 
learn  to  play  at  bedmaking.  dishwashing,  and  car- 
pentering. When  they  go  to  school  they  continue  to 
participate  in  the  industrial  and  economic  work  of 
society,  for  the  modern  school  has  taken  on  the 
various  processes  of  world  work  under  the  guise  of 
industrial  training,  gardening,  and  household  arts. 
The  activities  appeal  to  the  deep-seated  instincts  and 
capacities  involved  in  both  play  and  work.  Accord- 
ing to  the  movement  and  direction  of  the  activities 
involved  they  become  play  or  work.  The  proper  use 
of  these  adult  activities  in  an  educational  program 
is  the  big  problem  that  confronts  our  modern  schools. 
It  involves  the  necessity  of  acquiring  real  skill,  not 
by  routine  or  dictation,  but  through  reflection  and 
experimentation.  In  other  words,  these  adult  occupa- 
tions must  be  performed  in  the  play  attitude,  yet 
involve  work.  Children  must  not  be  content  with  an 
easy,  smooth-running  way  of  doing  things.  'I  hey 
must  accustom  themselves  to  methods  of  scientific 
inquiry  which,  if  need  be,  lead  them  far  afield  from 
momentary   pleasure.       In   this   way   they   acquire  a 


PLAY  AND  WORK  23 

scientific  method  and  amass  facts  of  practical  impor- 
tance. They  become  so  identified  with  the  piece  of 
work  in  which  they  are  engaged  that  their  thoughts 
and  imaginations  play  fruitfully  with  the  problem. 
This  whole-hearted,  spontaneous  interest  in  a  piece  of 
work  is  a  means  of  rich  living  in  types  of  experience 
which  the  race  has  found  most  valuable.  It  is  a 
different  thing  from  the  blind  participation  in  cultural 
subjects  which  came  from  the  old-time  bookish  study. 

The  pith  and  kernel  of  the  play  problem  lies  right 
here.  It  is  to  help  children  to  control  their  actions 
more  and  more  by  intelligent  reflection  on  a  series 
of  means  leading  to  a  desired  end.  It  is  to  make 
play  pass  insensibly  into  work  in  order  that  action 
may  not  be  at  the  mercy  of  caprice  but  may  be  the 
result  of  intelligent  foresight. 

Conclusion.  —  In  conclusion,  then,  we  may  say 
that  play  and  work  differ  not  in  origin  nor  result,  but 
in  the  movement  of  the  activity  itself.  When  the 
activity  as  a  whole  is  smooth-running  and  is  not 
interrupted  by  breaks  essential  for  progress,  we  have 
an  activity  that  is  essentially  playful.  On  the  other 
hand  when  the  activity  as  a  whole  is  frequently  im- 
peded by  checks  representing  problems  to  be  bridged 
over  we  have  an  activity  that  is  essentially  work. 
Both  play  and  work  have  the  same  origin  in  deep- 
seated  instincts  and  capacities;  each  of  them  may  or 
may  not  satisfy  some  organic  need,  according  to  the 
extent  to  which  they  utilize  nerve  tracks  ripe  for  action 
or  violate  the  nature  of  the  doer.  Each  may  or  may 
not  satisfy  a  felt  social  need  according  to  whether  the 
activity  functions  in  the  life  of  the  individual  or  is 


24  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

associated  with  results,  imposed  from  without,  which 
have  no  place  in  growth.  Most  situations  which  are 
legitimately  called  play  in  childhood  are  in  reality 
highly  complex  social  situations  resulting  in  a  com- 
bination of  work  and  play.  The  problem  is  to  keep 
the  play  attitude  dominant  and  to  increase  the  work 
element  progressively  with  the  age  and  development 
of  the  individual. 


PART  II 
DRAMATIC  PLAYS  IN  CHILDHOOD 


CHAPTER    III 
Education  through  Dramatic  Plays 

What  Do  We  Mean  by  Dramatic  Play? — Much  has 
been  said  and  written  of  the  so-called  "dramatic 
instinct."  Often  dramatic  play  has  been  character- 
ized as  the  outpouring  of  this  instinct.  Yet  now- 
through  the  findings  of  experimental  psychology  we 
have  come  to  regard  dramatic  play  in  larger  per- 
spective. It  is  no  longer  thought  of  as  the  expression 
of  a  single  instinct,  but  rather  as  the  outgrowth  o£ 
several  tendencies.  It  is  a  result  of  the  tendency  to- 
wardgeneral  physical  activity  and  of  the  law  of  habit, 
in  which  constructive  images  which  have  once  led  to 
action  tend  to  do  so  again.  In  childhood,  both  these 
tendencies  are  stronger  than  among  adults.  Children 
naturally  think  in  terms  of  action.  They  have  a 
larger  number  of  concrete  mental  images  than  adults. 
It  takes  years  to  build  up  the  meanings,  feelings  of 
relationship,  and  judgments  which  gradually  take  the 
place  of  the  rich  imagery  of  childhood.  What  more 
natural  than  to  visualize  characters  and  events  con- 
cretely in  dramatic  play?  What  more  artificial  than 
to  reflect  abstractly  upon  the  meanings  and  signifi- 
cance of  these  characters  and  events? 

With  this  brief  psychological  background  let  us 
proceed  to  examine  the  dramatic  plays  of  children 
concretely  and  to  discuss  their  educational  significance. 

The  Infant's  First  Dramatizations.  —  The  infant 
early  imitates  in  his  own  way  the  events  which  impress 

27 


28  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

themselves  vividly  upon  him.  "Before  R  was  fourteen 
months  old  I  watched  with  interest  the  pleased  ex- 
pression on  his  face  as  he  sat  by  the  fire  warming  his 
clothes.  Somehow  warming  clothes  by  himself  was 
a  more  pleasurable  experience  than  seeing  me  warm 
clothes:  the  act  was  motor  as  well  as  sensory,  tactual 
as  well  as  visual.  Oftentimes  he  would  scuttle  over 
the  floor,  a  dust  cloth  in  his  hand,  touching  chairs  in 
imitation  of  dusting,  or  he  would  seize  a  brush  and 
scrub  the  carpet  vigorously  as  he  had  seen  the  kitchen 
floor  scrubbed.  Holding  a  newspaper  as  an  adult 
does  when  reading  was  another  of  his  favorite  plays."1 
Before  a  child  is  three  years  old  a  good  part  of  his 
waking  hours  is  given  to  imitative  dramatic  plays. 
Mr.  George  E.  Freeland  watched  a  baby  two  and  a 
half  years  old  an  entire  day  and  discovered  fifty-four 
dramatizations.2 

Growth  in  the  Mental  Content  of  Early  Dramatiza- 
tion. —  "Why,"  we  ask,  "does  the  child  perform  such 
acts?  Is  he  merely  copying  what  goes  on  around  him 
by  a  mechanical  reproduction  of  the  striking  features 
of  adult  acts,  or  is  he  getting  inside  the  act  mentally 
and  thus  discovering  its  meaning?"  As  adults  we 
can  only  interpret  the  meaning  of  these  childish  acts 
by  studying  the  results  in  the  child.  It  is  obvious 
that  such  activities  mean  something  to  the  child 
because  of  his  persistence  in  them  and  the  accompany- 
ing signs  of  pleasure.  It  is  also  possible  to  observe 
changes  in  his  actions  due  to  his  gaining  new  meanings 

1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records. 

2 American  Institute  of  Chili  1  Life:  The  Dramatic  Instinct  in 
Children,  Monograph  352,   1014. 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  oj  Recreation 

Children  Think  as  They  Act 


30  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

by  reproducing  the  acts  of  others.  That  is,  if  he 
persists  in  warming  clothes,  scrubbing  floors,  and 
dusting,  there  is  a  change  and  usually  improvement 
in  his  representation  due  to  the  laws  of  exercise  and 
effect.  While  to  the  adult  the  child  may  seem  to  be 
merely  copying,  he  has  in  fact  attained  his  result  by 
attention,  experimentation,  and  observation  of  results. 
Many  educators  have  believed  that  such  acts  as  the 
aforementioned  are  acquired  as  a  result  of  the  instinct 
of  imitation.  In  speaking  of  imitation,  Thorndike 
says:  "I  can  find  no  evidence  that  any  such  tendency 
is  original  in  man.  As  will  be  stated  later,  certain 
particular  sorts  of  behavior  do  originally  provoke  in 
the  spectator  behavior  that  resembles  them,  but,  so 
far  as  I  can  see,  behavior  in  general  does  not."1 
And  again,  "The  direct  potency  of  behavior  in  creating 
something  like  it  in  another  human  being's  behavior  is 
not  discoverable  in  any  series  of  experiments  in  which 
the  effects  of  the  laws  of  exercise  and  effect  are  pre- 
cluded or  allowed  for."1 

What  the  Child  Dramatizes  and  Why.  —  What  the 
child  dramatizes  is  not  due  to  circumstances  alone. 
,He  has  different  interests,  physical  and  mental,  at 
different  ages,  and  selects  the  part  to  play  which 
exercises  the  instincts  and  capacities  already  in  action. 
He  sees  scrubbing  all  his  life,  but  he  first  reproduces 
it,  not  only  because  the  pattern  is  constantly  acted 
before  him,  but  also  because  he  has  an  innate  ten- 
dency to  make  many  minor  bodily  movements  and 
scrubbing   provides   a   satisfactory   form    of   exercise. 

1  E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  <  >riginal  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  I,  pp.  no,  in. 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        3 1 

He  sees  policemen  and  soldiers  all  his  life,  but  he 
dramatizes  their  activities  at  a  time  in  life  when  he 
admires  physical  prowess  and  when  his  physical 
growth  makes  it  possible  for  him  to  simulate  the 
external  appearance  of  bravery.  Back  of  dramatic 
plays  can  be  seen  some  tissue  hunger  of  the  developing 
mind  and  body,  some  physical  craving,  some  mental 
need  reaching  out  for  expression.  This  gives  the 
child's  reason  for  selecting  particular  types  of  play. 
To  some  extent,  however,  the  content  of  dramatic 
plays  is  conditioned  from  without,  patterned,  as  it 
were,  from  the  activities  most  frequently  seen  and 
known.  We  have  only  to  observe  children  closely  in 
their  play  to  find  out  what  their  fathers  do,  how  their 
mothers  conduct  their  homes,  and  the  topics  of  daily 
conversation  among  members  of  the  family  and 
neighbors.  If  we  are  keen  observers,  it  is  possible  to 
tell  what  kind  of  discipline  the  home  affords;  tyran- 
nical behavior  is  as  sure  to  be  copied  as  habits  of 
submission,  while  the  coarse  actions  and  rough 
language  of  parents  or  servants  are  as  likely  to  become 
ingrained  in  the  habits  of  children  as  the  gentle 
manners  and  refined  speech  of  cultured  parents.  i\.ny 
striking  behavior  is  likely  to  be  copied  in  play;  in  fact 
this  is  how  children  grow  to  understand  the  meaning 
and  significance  of  manners  and  morals. 

The  Commonplace  Activities  of  Life  are  a  Source  of 
Valuable  Dramatic  Plays.  —  Some  kindergartners 
object  to  children's  realistic  dramatization  of  such 
utilitarian  occupations  as  washing,  ironing,  scrubbing, 
and  street  cleaning.  They  prefer  to  have  play  centered 
in   symbolic    material,  and  so  have  invented  games 


32  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

in  which  the  child  is  supposed  to  be  interested  not  so 
much  in  the  overt  activity  as  he  plays  carpenter, 
blacksmith,  or  knight,  but  in  a  symbolic  meaning 
read  into  these  plays  by  Froebel.  In  some  mystic 
way  children  are  supposed  to  imbibe  a  sense  of  the 
economic  relationship  the  family  bears  to  church  and 
state.  Many  regard  this  symbolism  beyond  the  ken 
of  childish  minds.  There  was  at  one  time  a  difference 
of  opinion  among  kindergarten  teachers  as  to  whether 
a  child's  play  should  deal  with  things  within  his 
experience  or  types  and  symbols  which  may  be  outside 
the  realm  of  his  experience.  Should  he  dramatize  the 
policeman  and  the  fireman  as  brave  persons,  or 
plumed  knights  on  horseback  as  a  type  of  chivalry 
and  bravery?  Again,  experimental  psychology  has 
clearly  established  the  fact  that  symbols  may  be  safely 
used  in  childhood  only  after  direct  personal  experience 
with  the  tiling  symbolized,  and  then  only  as  an  adjunct 
to  experience. 

To  a  large  number  of  kindergartners  it  has  always 
seemed  that  the  healthy  imagination  deals  with  real 
things  as  they  appear  to  the  eye.  To  the  child,  the 
common  household  activities  are  not  mere  bits  of 
work  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  home;  they 
represent  interesting  ways  of  manipulating  physical 
objects  and  forces,  and  demand  judgment  and 
imagination  in  using  them.  Pumping  water,  sweeping 
the  floor  and  washing  dishes  are  activities  tedious  to 
most  grown-ups  because  such  work  fails  to  satisfy 
any  inner  need.  Nerve  tracts  not  ready  to  act  are 
used;  attention  is  forced,  and  fatigue  comes  rapidly. 
1  low  different  with  a  child  whose  hands  and  arms  crave 


34  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

such  exercise!  The  nerve  tracts  are  ready  to  act; 
much  energy  is  used  with  little  fatigue;  and  the  work 
thoroughly  satisfies  the  nature  of  the  worker.  Such 
activities  command  the  interest  of  children,  who  thus 
imitate  the  actions  of  grown-ups  with  pleasure  and 
profit  to  themselves.  To  sum  up,  there  seems  to  be 
no  psychological  foundation  for  this  discrimination 
against  so-called  utilitarian  play.  It  has  been  clearly 
demonstrated  that  the  roots  of  play  and  work  are  one 
and  the  same,  and  that  most  of  the  original  tendencies 
leading  to  play  initiate  work  as  well. 

A  List  of  Spontaneous  Dramatic  Plays  Gathered 
from  Playgrounds.  —  The  records  of  dramatic  plays 
in  some  thirty  playgrounds  of  Pittsburgh  show  no 
work  too  common,  no  experience  too  sordid  to  be 
dramatized.  Playing  house  with  dolls,  having  com- 
pany for  dinner,  dramatizing  the  roles  of  various 
members  of  the  family;  keeping  hotels,  restaurants, 
banks,  stores  of  all  kinds;  playing  church  and  school; 
cowboy,  Indian,  Robinson  Crusoe;  dramatizing  such 
historic  events  as  the  Boston  Tea  Party  and  the 
events  of  the  French  and  Indian  Wars;  playing 
hospital  and  funeral ;  taking  on  the  work  of  the  fireman, 
cobbler,  blacksmith,  dressmaker,  street-cleaner,  livery- 
man, etc.;  playing  telephone,  train,  fishing,  diving, 
circus,  menagerie;  imitating  the  life  and  movements  of 
butterflies,  grasshoppers,  rabbits,  goats,  reindeer, 
birds,  and  chickens:  all  these,  and  more,  the  records 
show  to  be  subjects  for  spontaneous  dramatic  play. 

Breadth  of  a  Child's  Interests  as  Seen  in  Dramatic 
Play.  -This  breadth  of  children's  interests  in  dra- 
matic plays  and  games  indicates  more  than  a  remark- 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        35 

able  catholicity  of  taste.  With  lack  of  power  to  con- 
centrate for  long  periods  and  a  short  span  of  attention 
this  would  be  a  dull  world  for  the  child,  could  he  not 
overcome  such  limitations  by  breadth  in  play  interests. 
Parents  often  complain  that  the  kindergarten  inter- 
feres with  concentration  by  supplying  so  many  and 
varied  types  of  activity.  They  aim  to  counteract 
this  training  by  supplying  their  own  children  with 
only  a  few  playthings  and  toys.  In  this  way  parents 
limit  children's  development.  It  is  impossible  for 
children  of  kindergarten  age  to  give  continuous 
attention  to  any  one  thing.  They  need  a  breadth  of 
play  interests.  Let  children  of  kindergarten  age  flit 
from  one  play  to  another.  The  poverty  of  mental 
content  accounts  for  the  fact  that  no  one  object 
holds  the  center  of  attention  for  a  long  time.  As  soon 
as  experience  adds  new  meaning  to  objects,  and  the 
span  of  attention  increases  with  age,  the  power  to 
concentrate  will  increase  naturally.  We  forget  the 
characteristics  of  childhood  when  we  endeavor  to 
limit  the  field  of  play;  we  need  to  remind  ourselves 
that  adults  necessarily  narrow  their  interests  to  those 
necessary  for  a  livelihood  and  that  childhood  is  the 
time  to  give  a  broad  foundation  through  play. 

All  through  childhood  there  is  a  strong  tendency  to 
imitate  the  striking  features  of  the  environment. 
Anything  unusual  or  picturesque  appeals  to  children 
and  often  leads  to  dramatizing  the  person,  event,  or 
force  which  has  made  a  new  or  unusual  impression. 
Other  things  being  equal,  children  select  people  and 
activities  that  are  novel  or  that  permit  the  display  of 
force,  movement,  and  striking  acts.     Up  to  the  sixth 


36  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

year  firemen,  policemen,  Santa  Claus,  fairies,  brown- 
ies, carpenters,  blacksmiths,  and  the  like  are  favorite 
copies  because  the  things  these  characters  do,  the 
feats  they  perform,  give  room  for  olenty  of  physical 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  A' 


Children  Like  to  Imitate  Strong  and  Vigorous  Types 
in   (  'haracteb 

exercise,  permit   manipulation  of  objects,  and  create 
in  the  young  imitators  .1  feeling  of  importance. 

The  Tendency  to  Imitate  Striking  Activities  and 
Active  or  Picturesque  Types  of  Personality.  After 
the  seventh  year  there  is  a  growing  tendency  to 
imitate  strong  and  vigorous  types.  Cowboys, 
Indian-,  soldiers  are  played  over  and  over  again 
because   these  characters  stimulate  admiration  at  an 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        37 

age  when  the  performance  of  physical  feats  seems 
grand  and  heroic  to  children.  The  minister,  teacher, 
scholar,  or  clerk  may  be  as  worthy  of  admiration  as 
the  more  physically  strenuous  types,  but  at  an  age 
where  adventure  and  physical  prowess  appeal  to  the 
wholesome  activities  of  children's  growing  bodies  such 
characters  are  seldom  copied  in  play.  After  the 
tenth  year  there  is  seen  a  tendency  to  reach  out 
beyond  the  environment  for  subjects  and  events  to 
dramatize;  especially  is  this  true  if  familiarity  with 
history  and  good  literature  has  been  gained. 

Illusion  in  Dramatic  Play.  —  There  is  a  tendency 
to  describe  imaginative  dramatic  play  as  "make- 
believe."  Konrad  Lange  has  shown  that  with  the 
higher  animals  especially  there  is  the  element  of 
illusion  or  conscious  self-deception.  Groos  says  that 
the  capacity  for  illusion  is  the  most  interesting 
feature  of  imitative  dramatic  play,  and  adds:  "On  the 
other  hand,  the  waking  consciousness  seems  to  be 
unshaken  through  it  all."1  How  true  this  is,  we  see  in 
watching  children  make-believe.  Playing  that  grass 
is  salad,  a  clothespin  a  doll,  and  sand  sugar,  does  not 
indicate  that  the  child  is  making-believe  except  from 
the  adult  viewpoint.  He  does  not  eat  the  grass  or 
taste  the  sand.  His  imagination  gives  him  the 
ability  to  substitute  the  qualities  lacking  in  The"" 
immediate  objects.  Again,  when  a  child  plays  bear, 
tiger,  and  reindeer,  these  animals  are  vividly  present 
in  imagination.  His  mind  overcomes  limitations  of 
time  and  space;  the  bear  stalks  about,  growls,  and 
pursues  food;  still  more,  the  child  identifies  himself 

1  K.  Groos:   The  Play  of  Man,  p.  307. 

56634 


38  SPONTANEOUS   AXD   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

with  the  bear  by  himself  representing  these  hear-like 
characteristics.  The  adult  who  does  not  see  the 
importance  of  this  power  of  the  mind  to  translate 
things  not  present  to  sense  into  realities  loses  sight  o\ 
the  most  central  thing  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the 
child. 

The  Play  Attitude  in  Early  Childhood  One  of 
Freedom.  An  attitude  of  mental  freedom  character- 
izes the  dramatic  play  of  children  from  four  to  eight 
years  of  age.  A  child  does  not  demand  that  a  thing 
really  resemble  in  physical  appearance  what  he  pre- 
tends it  represents;  that  is,  there  is  no  identity 
between  the  physical  traits  of  an  object  and  the 
mental  images  associated  with  it.  A  broomstick 
becomes  a  horse  not  because  it  suggests  the  form  and 
outline  of  a  horse,  but  because  it  lends  itself  to  loco- 
motion easily  and  use  is  more  essential  in  play  than 
appearance.  Likewise,  as  occasion  demands,  a  board 
becomes  a  sled,  a  boat,  a  train,  or  a  slide,  and  to  all 
purposes  becomes  one  as  easily  as  another.  The 
essential  thing  is  not  the  board,  but  the  ideas  clustered 
about  the  use  of  it,  the  quality  of  the  mental  images 
which  call  it  into  life  as  the  objeel  it  represents.  The 
following  quotation  from  Stevenson  illustrates  the 
freedom  with  which  a  child  uses  objects  to  clothe  his 
ideas:  "The  chair  hi-  has  just  been  besieging  as  a 
«  astle,  or  valiantly  cutting  to  the  ground  as  a  dragon, 
is  taken  away  for  the  accommodation  of  a  morning 
visitor,  and  he  is  nothing  abashed;  he  can  skirmish  by 
the  hour  with  a  stationary  coal-scuttle;  in  the  midst 
of   the   enchanted   pleasance    he    can  see,   without   a 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        39 

sensible  shock,  the  gardener  soberly  digging  potatoes 
for  the  day's  dinner."1 

In  Later  Childhood  the  Fanciful  Element  is  Re- 
placed by  Interest  in  Reality.  —  There  comes  a  time, 
however,  when  the  ideas  which  things  suggest  must 
resemble  realities;  so  also  must  the  objects  employed  in 
dramatic  play  represent  in  detail  the  ones  they  stand 
for  in  life.  This  attitude  begins  after  the  seventh 
year  when,  in  school,  training  in  facts  is  stressed  and 
memory  work  is  considered  important.  This  training 
is  accompanied  by  a  corresponding  interest  in  detail 
and  skill  in  workmanship.  The  child  is  no  longer 
satisfied  to  run  and  utter  a  war-whoop  as  an  expres- 
sion of  Indians;  he  must  make  for  himself  an  Indian 
costume,  construct  a  wigwam,  and  portray  a  series  of 
activities  true  to  Indian  history. 

During  this  period  the  tendency  among  teachers  of 
dramatics  to  limit  costume  to  a  slight  addition  to  the 
ordinary  dress  seems  to  the  author  to  be  a  violation 
of  the  laws  of  mental  life.  While  a  cap,  a  shawl, 
and  an  apron  were  sufficient  for  many  parts  in  the 
years  before  nine,  the  older  child's  imagination  de- 
mands the  vivid  portrayal  of  a  mood.  Care  should 
be  taken,  however,  to  keep  a  healthful  balance 
between  the  desire  for  material  detail  in  costume  and 
the  power  of  mental  growth  through  a  correspond- 
ingly rich  imagery. 

Training  of  Imagination  Through  Dramatic  Play.  — 
When  children  engage  in  spontaneous  dramatizations 
they  not  only  reproduce  the  mental  images  that  cluster 

1  R.  L.  Stevenson:  "Child's  Play,"  in  Virginibus  Puerisque,  pp. 
218,  219. 


40  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

about  the  thing  they  are  representing,  but  they 
rearrange  and  reconstruct  these  images  in  a  certain 
perspective.  Some  details  are  rejected,  others  are 
stressed,  as  thoughts  flow  out  into  action.  For 
example,  in  playing  fireman  or  policeman  a  certain 
plot  is  formed  as  ideas  become  clarified  and  settle  in  a 
fairly  permanent  form.  And  because  self  becomes 
identified  with  the  play,  the  emotions  enter  in,  adding 
a  richness  and  vividness  to  the  thought. 

Training  in  Productive  Imagination.  —  One  of  the 
present  tendencies  in  education  is  to  demand  a  great 
deal  of  reproductive  work,  in  which  those  pupils  who 
possess  good  memories  shine.  This  tendency  in 
education  bears  directly  upon  the  problem  of  dramatic 
play.  While  dramatic  play  is  dependent  upon  repro- 
ductive imagination  for  the  stuff  with  which  it  works, 
the  very  nature  of  dramatic  play  makes  for  freedom 
in  the  movement  of  imagery.  The  value  of  dramatics 
as  a  field  for  training  productive  imagery  is  apparent 
at  once.  If  we  wish  children  to  do  really  creative 
work  in  life,  we  must  open  up  fields  of  practice  in  which 
those  possessing  creative  power  can  exercise  it.  And 
as  all  children  possess  some  degree  of  native  ability  in 
productive  imagination,  all  should  have  dramatic 
games.  Not  everyone,  it  is  true,  can  expect  to  invenl 
new  machinery,  create  new  systems  of  philosophy,  or 
develop  a  new  social  era;  but  all  can  use  what  native 
ability  they  have  to  construct  for  themselves  the  besl 
kinds  of  environment  their  abilities  permit. 

Dramatizing  Fact  and  Fancy.  —  Facts,  fairy  tale-, 
and  myths  afford  a  child  from  four  to  eight  years  old 
varied   opportunities   to   use   productive   imagination. 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        4 1 

Children  of  this  age  dramatize  facts  as  well  as  fiction. 
They  have  no  mental  perspective  by  which  they  can 
discriminate  between  fact  and  fancy,  other  than  by 
trying  to  make  both  work  in  life.  Dramatic  games 
provide  an  opportunity  to  try  out  both  fact  and  fancy, 
and  to  make  comparisons  with  similar  events  in  life. 
By  the  tenth  year,  training  in  sense  perception  has 
straightened  out  much  of  the  inevitable  confusion 
between  fact  and  fancy.  For  example,  children  learn 
that  in  fairyland,  witches,  goblins,  dwarfs,  and  giants 
perform  miracles,  but  in  actual  life  man  awaits  the 
fulfillment  of  natural  forces  and  laws.  After  the  tenth 
year,  children  are  less  susceptible  to  the  fairy  element. 
They  depend  upon  observation  and  memory,  and  look 
to  history  and  fiction  for  sources  of  dramatic  play. 
Stories  for  this  age  should  include  scenes  from  narra- 
tive history  and  the  lives  of  great  men  who  conquered 
natural  forces  and  laws  through  invention  and  ex- 
ploration. The  records  presented  for  the  purpose  of 
study  show  the  pitiable  background  in  stories  many 
children  in  the  playground  possessed.  When  good 
stories  were  presented  as  a  basis  for  dramatization, 
children  found  them  as  satisfying  to  portray  as  the 
cheap  stories  seen  in  the  movies  or  the  happenings  of 
their  own  lives. 

Training  in  Observation.  —  In  representing  their 
own  conceptions  of  things,  say  in  playing  doctor, 
soldier,  carpenter,  or  blacksmith,  what  enters  into 
the  children's  plot  depends  upon  their  observations  of 
the  characteristics  and  activities  of  each.  "Let's 
play  fire!"  says  one  child.  "I'll  be  the  chief,"  says 
another,    and    straightway    proceeds   to   construct  a 


w 


< 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        43 

plot.  If  he  proves  resourceful,  the  other  children 
rally  about  him  and  respond  to  his  suggestions, 
applying  their  own  knowledge  of  fact  to  the  game. 
As  they  become  interested  in  a  part,  they  become 
stimulated  to  observe  things  related  to  in  it  real  life. 
The  part  played  vitalizes  the  interest  by  providing  a 
social  situation  or  background  for  the  acquisition  of 
facts. 

Likewise  does  observation  grow  in  situations  where 
stress  is  laid  on  behavior  of  different  kinds.  In 
representing  people  the  child  learns  about  good  and 
bad,  about  cause  and  effect,  naturally,  without 
precept  or  admonition.  Surely  observation  of  good 
and  evil  in  human  nature  is  as  important  as  observa- 
tion concerning  the  sense  peculiarities  of  things.  It 
is  easy  enough  to  waste  time  in  making  unnecessary 
sense  discriminations,  easy  enough,  also,  to  waste 
time  in  character  portrayal.  Yet,  certain  standards  or 
types  of  human  nature  can  be  set  forth  with  cameo- 
like clearness.  "In  life,"  says  Mrs.  Herts,  "youth 
could  hardly  discern  the  miser,  spendthrift,  liar, 
hypocrite,  egoist,  prodigal,  swindler,  gambler,  patriot, 
martyr,  and  all  the  rest.  Each  quality  is  disguised 
and  mixed  with  others.  But  the  drama  presents  a 
large  repertory  of  such  simplified,  elemental  human 
qualities,  admirably  adjusted  to  the  educative  appren- 
ticeship stage  of  life.  The  primitive  traits  of  which 
human  nature  is  made  up  can  be  observed  and  studied 
as  a  mechanic  studies  a  machine,  part  by  part,  before 
it  is  put  together."1 

1  As  quoted  by  the  Literary  Staff  of  the  American  Institute  of 
Child  Life,  in  The  Dramatic  Instinct  in  Children, p.  11,  Monograph  352. 


44  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Should  Children  Portray  Evil?  —  Children  often 
hunger  to  represent  characters  which  they  would 
shrink  from  in  actual  life.  A  boy  likes  to  play  thief 
and  robber,  even  it  delivered  up  to  justice  after  a 
period  of  outlawry.  "Give  the  boy  of  fifteen  his 
chance  to  play  a  thief  or  a  murderer  on  a  stage  in  the 
costume  and  environment  of  the  part,"  says  Mrs. 
Herts;  "he  will  usually  experience  all  he  wants  of 
stealing  and  killing."1  The  consensus  of  opinion 
among  educators  seems  to  be  that  if  children  represent 
evil,  the  results  of  the  evil  should  follow,  either 
through  portrayal  of  the  suffering  brought  on  by 
conscience,  or  through  penalties  imposed  by  society, 
and  that  evil  characters  which  show  neither  result 
are  not  fit  to  be  impersonated  by  children.  On  the 
whole  this  seems  to  the  writer  a  commendable  view- 
point, yet  it  remains  to  point  out  a  limitation  in  it. 
It  is  quite  possible  to  portray  evil  with  such  a  lure  and 
glamor  that  its  results  are  lost  sight  of.  It  is  still 
more  important  to  keep  the  moral  atmosphere  clean 
and  wholesome.  If  this  is  done,  good  and  evil 
characters  may  come  and  go,  each  adding  its  impress 
to  the  mind,  which,  denying  no  evil,  yet  retains  an 
enthusiasm  for  the  good. 

A  current  article  on  motion  pictures  and  crime2 
speaks  of  the  extreme  suggestibility  of  tin-  mentally 
young  or  delinquent,  who  lack  the  ability  to  foresee 
the  consequences  of  different  kinds  of  behavior  and 
lack    the    capacity    and    willingness    to    exercise  self- 

1  Ibid.,  p.  i :. 

2  A.  T.  PofTenberger :  "Motion  Pictures  and  Crime,"  The  Scien- 
tifii  Monthly,  Vol.  XII,  April,  iQ2i. 


46  SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

restraint.  It  mentions  also  the  fact  that  delinquents 
possess  imaginations  less  controlled  and  (lucked  Ir- 
realities. For  this  reason  the  author  of  the  article 
favors  eliminating  reports  of  crime  from  the  news- 
papers, magazines,  moving  pictures,  and  advertising 
posters.  Another  point  remains  to  be  made.  Con- 
stant association  with  trivial  characters  in  dramatiza- 
tion is  almost  as  dangerous  as  with  evil  ones,  for  the 
mind  has  no  height  nor  depth  of  interpretation  in 
[<  illi  >\ving  such  characters.  Neither  should  the  thought 
of  the  child  be  focussed  entirely  on  ideal  characters, 
since  the  result  would  be  to  picture  conditions  con- 
trary to  facts  in  life. 

Emotions  in  Dramatic  Play.  —  It  remains  to  point 
out  certain  dangers  in  the  line  of  emotional  training 
through  dramatization.  It  is  so  easy  to  arouse  the 
emotions  in  dramatic  play  that  there  is  always  danger 
of  overstimulation,  especially  in  artificial  situations. 
Most  of  us  are  familiar  with  an  occasional  person,  at 
least,  who  has  somehow  grown  accustomed  to  lead 
an  emotional  life  apart  from  real  persons  and  life  situa- 
tions. The  function  of  emotion  is  to  guide  and  inspire 
conduct,  not  to  act  as  a  mere  drug.  It  is  possible  to 
promote  real  growth  in  emotional  control  through 
tying  up  emotions  with  the  right  situations.  This  is 
an  important  function  of  dramatic  play. 

Emotional  growth  through  dramatic  play  is  difficult 
to  observe.  The  child  tries  on  various  types  o\ 
emotional  attitudes  easily.  He  is  stern  and  unrelent- 
ing when  he  plays  policeman;  kind  and  tender  when 
nursing  imaginary  invalids;  tryannical  and  cruel  when 
impersonating    robbers    and    desperadoes.     It    such 


EDUCATION   THROUGH   DRAMATIC   PLAYS        47 

plays  are  supervised  the  child  learns  to  know  unde- 
sirable emotions  when  he  manifests  them  in  dramatic 
play  just  as  he  does  in  life.  In  a  good  home  evil 
deeds,  selfish  acts,  and  inconsiderate  manners  are 
eliminated  by  their  social  results.  Good  behavior 
meets  with  rewards;  bad  behavior  is  punished. 
Whether  the  dramatizing  of  evil  characters  leads  to  a 
repugnance  or  a  toleration  for  evil  depends  upon  the 
wholesomeness  of  the  atmosphere.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  a  child  applies  knowledge  so  gained  to  real 
life.  In  a  crisis  children  sometimes  repress  facts 
which  do  not  fall  in  with  their  desires.  Many 
youthful  crimes  are  committed  by  those  who  foresee 
results,  but  count  on  being  clever  enough  to  avoid 
them.  Yet  on  the  whole  good  training  in  dramatics 
cannot  be  entirely  valueless.  Children  familiar  with 
real  or  fictitious  characters  who  are  rewarded  for 
suppressing  undesirable  fears,  anger,  self-feeling,  and 
the  like,  and  are  punished  for  undesirable  responses, 
have  some  advantage  over  children  who  have  not  had 
this  vicarious  experience. 

Dramatization  and  Habit.  —  So  difficult  is  it  to 
remake  habits  on  the  stage,  that  a  well-known  actor- 
manager  has  said,  "Give  me  a  gentleman  and  I'll 
produce  an  actor."  With  children  it  is  easy  to  create 
such  a  vital  interest  in  a  part  that  they  set  out  to 
acquire  the  manners  and  customs  required  to  portray 
it.  This  plasticity  with  respect  to  new  habits  should 
be  made  the  most  of  educationally. 

Many  children  have  enlarged  their  vocabularies 
through  an  appreciation  of  the  language  in  dramatic 
games,   and   through   impersonating   characters   in   a 


48  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

story.  They  lost.-  self-consciousness  and  -peak  out 
the  thoughts  and  ideas  of  the  game  or  story  with 
oftentimes  real  dramatic  interpretation.  If  the  story 
abounds  in  good  dialogue  they  often  repeat  it  ver- 
batim, thus  appropriating  to  themselves  the  author's 
vocabulary. 

Playing  Before  an  Audience.-  There  comes  a 
time  when  the  normal  child  enjoys  playing  be  ton  an 
audience.  When  analyzed,  the  tendency  appears  to 
parallel  the  growth  in  the  social  personality  at 
adolescence.  The  desire  for  attention  and  the  love 
of  display  accompany  us  throughout  life  and  it  is  but 
natural  that  these  native  tendencies  should  crop  out 
with  the  growth  of  the  social  personality.  To  be 
the  center  of  things  brings  an  exhilaration,  a  sense  of 
personal  elation.  Even  to  be  part  of  an  organized 
crowd  participating  in  some  concerted  action  is  a 
form  of  excitement  common  to  mankind.  A  whole 
range  of  human  plays  depend  upon  the  reinforcement 
of  feeling  through  group  action;  playing  before  an 
audience  and  participating  in  mass  action  in  pageants 
or  festivals  are  representative  of  these. 

What  Part  Should  Imitation  Play  in  Dramatic 
Interpretation?  Who  has  not  seen  the  formalist 
crystallize  every  spontaneous  expression  into  an  art 
form."  From  the  early  kindergarten  plays  to  the 
dramatics  of  college  days,  we  sometimes  see  action 
artificially  inspired  in  the  players  by  outside  inter- 
preters. I  low  easy  it  is  to  change  buoyant,  spon- 
taneous expression  into  that  over-facile  copy  ol  a 
teacher's  interpretation  which  lays  the  foundation  for 
insincerity  of  expression! 


EDUCATION   THROUGH    DRAMATIC   PLAYS        49 

Our  experts  in  plays  and  games  are  realizing  the 
danger  of  excessive  imitation  in  dramatic  play,  and  are 
striving  for  originality  in  expression.  Kindergartners 
are  studying  the  spontaneous  play  responses  of 
children  of  different  ages  as  they  represent  bears, 
birds,  fish,  etc.,  to  see  what  part  the  physiological 
requirements  of  the  body  play  in  determining  the 
forms  of  dramatic  art.  When  this  is  done,  it  becomes 
clear  why  children  of  about  four  years  of  age  play 
bear  on  all  fours,  and  why  they  assume  an  erect 
position  at  an  age  when  competition  in  running  is 
keen.  It  is  clear,  also,  why  children  of  kindergarten 
age  representing  birds  spontaneously  hop  and  fly  in 
an  erect  position  where  the  arms  may  aid  in  balancing 
the  movements  of  the  body.  They  seldom  assume  the 
conventional  postures  one  used  to  see  in  kinde  gartens 
in  which  the  child  squatted  on  the  floor  with  arms 
pinned  to  his  side  to  represent  wings.  To  one  who 
understands  the  physiological  and  psychological  rea- 
sons for  these  forms  of  dramatic  interpretation,  each 
type  of  expression  is  seen  to  have  a  function  in  the  life 
of  the  growing  organism. 

Cooperation  the  Result  of  Dramatic  Play.  —  In 
dramatic  games  there  is  much  that  looks  like  social 
enjoyment.  In  this  fellowship  we  see  natural  tenden- 
cies toward  mastering  and  submissive  behavior  in 
different  individuals  of  the  group.  In  supervised 
dramatic  play  one  child  is  not  permitted  to  be  "it" 
whenever  he  feels  an  overwhelming  desire  to  display 
his  powers.  Children  who  seek  to  dominate  are  led 
to  see  the  value  of  group  cooperation.  In  the  Chil- 
dren's   Educational    Theatre,   New    York    City,    the 


50  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

children  who  play  the  leading  r61es  one  night  shift 
scenery,  hold  the  prompt-book,  or  act  a  minor  part 
another    night.     They    learn    that    intelligence    and 

faithfulness  are  as  much  demanded  in  acting  a  minor 
as  a  major  role. 

Imitative-dramatic  Plays  of  Value  in  Supplementing 
Instinct.  Now  that  psychologists  have  discarded  tin- 
theory  of  a  single-minded  instinct  of  imitation  or  of 
dramatization,  we  find  imitative-dramatic  plays  much 
more  difficult  to  analyze.  In  playing  store,  for 
example,  a  number  of  natural  capacities  and  instincts 
are  called  into  play.  The  instinct  to  manipulate, 
the  desire  for  leadership,  the  enjoyment  of  playing  a 
part,  the  love  of  physical  activity  —  all  these  tenden- 
cies, and  more,  enter  in  and  make  the  play  a  melting 
pot  of  habits,  instincts,  and  tendencies.  Because  of 
the  opportunity  for  interaction  of  all  these  tendencies, 
imitative-dramatic  plays  have  an  important  biological 
significance.  What  the  child  can  learn  by  practice 
he  is  relieved  from  acquiring  by  heredity.  Such  seems 
to  be  the  plan  of  life.  Imitative-dramatic  plays  not 
only  supplement  instincts,  but  aid  in  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  instincts.  Unless  we  believe  that  "Nature 
must  be  right,"  we  cannot  afford  to  miss  the  chance 
such  plays  afford  to  help  the  child  to  learn  new  lessons 
and  thus  weaken  the  power  of  disadvantageous  inborn 
tendencies.  The  hope  of  education  during  the  play 
period  and  beyond  lies  in  the  thoroughgoing  recon- 
struction of  life  through  habits  and  reason.  In 
supervised  dramatic  plays  we  have  a  real  opportunity 
to  tie  up  instinctive  acts  to  good  social  habits. 


CHAPTER    IV 
Playing  Doll  and  House 

Why  Interest  in  House-plays  is  Universal.  —  There 
are  several  reasons  why  house-plays  are  universal  in 
childhood.  First,  there  is  the  frequency  and  famili- 
arity of  the  sights,  sounds,  and  activities  of  the  home. 
Secondly,  and  of  more  importance,  many  of  the 
house  activities  such  as  washing,  ironing,  sweeping, 
and  dusting  commend  themselves  to  a  child  because 
they  fit  his  tendencies  for  multiform  physical  and 
mental  activity  of  a  simple,  direct  kind.  Household 
activities  which  do  not  lend  themselves  readily  to 
simple  imitative  acts  are  not  so  frequently  dramatized ; 
thus  mending  as  a  dramatic  play  is  less  popular  than 
scrubbing,  and  reading  and  writing  are  less  frequently 
dramatized  than  washing  and  ironing.  Interest  in 
dolls  accounts  for  a  large  number  of  house-plays. 
The  use  of  dolls  involves  a  large  number  of  original 
tendencies,  among  which  are  nurturing  or  motherly 
behavior,  manipulation,  desire  for  companionship, 
delight  in  dramatization,  fetishism,  collecting,  and 
feelings  of  kindliness  and  sympathy. 

Doll-play  Involves  a  Number  of  Original  Tenden- 
cies. —  The  nurture  of  dolls,  involving,  as  it  does, 
motherly  behavior  toward  inanimate  objects,  is  one 
of  the  most  interesting  features  of  doll-play.  What 
child  does  not  love  his  rag  doll?    Most  girls  and  boys 

5i 


52  SPONTANEOUS    AND    SUPERVISED    PLAY 

of  two  and  three  years  of  age  will  play  contentedly 
for  .1  long  time  with  their  dolls,  hugging  them  close, 
petting  them,  kissing  them  tenderly,  and  singing  to 
them.  Soon  the  dramatic  interest  asserts  itself.  The 
dolls  are  made  to  eat,  sleep,  work,  talk,  play  with 
other  dolls,  and.  in  fact,  become  personalities  subject 
always  to  the  child's  control.  With  children  there  is 
an  age  when  a  favorite  doll  may  become  almost  a 
fetish.  Some  children  sleep  with  their  dolls,  eat  with 
them,  and  drag  them  along  wherever  they  go. 
Pleasure  in  manipulation  accounts  for  a  large  share 
of  interest  in  dolls;  their  household  utensils  and 
clothes  are  objects  calling  this  tendency  into  action. 

Some  sex  difference  in  doll-play  is  noticed  even  as 
early  as  the  third  year.  As  soon  as  the  objects  handled 
cease  to  attract  because  of  their  manipulative  possi- 
bilities, many  boys  tire  of  household  plays  with  dolls, 
while  girls  show  an  ever-increasing  interest  in  practic- 
ing the  arts  and  crafts  of  the  home.  It  is  possible  to 
account  for  some  of  this  difference  in  interest  through 
the  larger  freedom  usually  given  boys  to  roam  about 
at  will  and  seek  other  interests,  while  girls  are  kept 
more  strictly  at  home,  and  thus  often  play  with  dolls 
because  of  mere  lack  of  other  interests. 

Habitation  or  desire  lor  shelter,  is  noticeable  in 
doll-play.  The  tendency  to  adopt  cubby-holes  for 
homes  is  strong.  Dolls  and  their  youthful  proprietors 
frequently  live  and  move  and  have  their  being  under 
the  sheltering  arms  of  tables  or  chairs;  overturned 
boxes  make  houses  formidable  to  attack,  and  alcoves, 
re<  esses,  or  secluded  clumps  of  trees  are  easily  sug- 
gesth  c  of  domiciles. 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  53 

Relative  Frequency  of  Some  Forms  of  Doll-play.  — 

In  a  study  of  dolls  it  was  found  that,  in  answer  to 
questions  about  the  relative  frequency  of  some  forms 
of  doll  plays,  "266  children  mention  a  fondness  for 
dressing  dolls;  218  like  to  wash  them;  189  have  a 
love  of  doll  parties;  183  a  love  of  sewing  for  them;  176 
a  love  of  playing  school;  169  a  love  of  putting  to  sleep; 
137  a  love  of  weddings;  93  of  nursing;  82  mention 
treating  them  as  companions,  telling  secrets,  etc.; 
79  love  to  feed  them;  49  to  punish  them;  36  to  play 
funerals."1 

Years  in  Which  Children  Show  the  Most  Interest 
in  Dolls.  —  In  the  same  study  it  was  also  found  that 
the  years  from  four  to  fourteen  were  the  ones  in  which 
there  was  the  most  universal  interest  in  dolls,  with  a 
rapidly  increasing  interest  at  eight  years.  It  was 
discovered  that  boys  play  with  dolls  as  eagerly  as 
girls,  but  for  shorter  periods,  and  that  they  show  an 
especial  fondness  for  character  dolls. 

The  Instinctive  Basis  for  Nurturing  or  Mothering  in 
House-plays.  —  The  writer  includes  the  nurture  of 
dolls,  pets,  and  babies  in  house-plays  because  the 
records  of  playing  house  show  few  plays  where  some 
form  of  nurture  does  not  exist.  There  is  possibly  a 
basis  in  instinct  for  some  of  the  interest  in  such  plays. 
Of  the  mothering  tendency  Thorndike  says:  "Whether 
the  *  *  *  holding,  fondling,  and  petting  babies,  dolls, 
pets,  and  toys  by  the  young  require  such  special 
instincts  or  are  explainable  as  the  '  real '  instincts, 
modified  by  complication  or  distortion  of  the  situations 
and  by  training,   I  shall  not  try  to  decide.     In  any 

1  G.  Stanley  Hall  and  A.  Caswell  Ellis:  A  Study  of  Dolls,  p.  40. 


54  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

case,  in  playful  hunting,  fighting,  mothering,  fleeing, 
home-making,  and  the  like,  training  early  permeates 
and  overlays  man's  original  nature." 

Educative  Possibilities  in  Nurturing-play.  [t  is 
this  modification  of  instinct  through  training  which 
concerns  parents  and  educators.  Whenever  a  group 
of  children  gather  together  to  play  house,  an  educa- 
tional situation  presents  itself  in  which  the  mothering 
instinct  oi  little  girls,  and  the  tendency  boys  show  to 
make  certain  nurture  responses,  can  he  so  guided  that 
the  right  attitudes  and  habit-  toward  the  young  and 
helpless  are  developed.  There  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  good  example  serves  the  same  purpose  in 
play  that  it  does  in  any  other  situation  in  life. 
Groups  of  children  learn  to  punish  offenders  and 
reward  those  who  lend  themselves  to  group  purposes. 
In  one  house-play  recorded  a  sister  administering  a 
spanking  to  a  child  playing  with  her  was  duly  repri- 
manded and  spanked  by  another  child  acting  as  the 
mother.  A  point  to  be  remembered  is  that  in  super- 
vised play  the  teacher  is  near  to  see  that  good  prevails 
in  the  end.  Often  a  teacher  possessing  real  under- 
standing of  children  can  accomplish  a  good  deal  by 
herself  assuming  some  role.  Without  ostentation  she 
can  depict  a  role  which  lends  itself  to  valuable  copy. 

Do  the  Habits  and  Attitudes  Gained  in  Doll-play 
Carry  Over  Into  Parenthood?  —  Doll-play  affords 
much  opportunity  for  the  display  of  native  traits  of 
kindliness  and  sympathy,  as  well  as  their  opposites, 
teasing  and   bullying.      Many  parents  prohibit  cruel 

'  E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  I,  p.  146. 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  55 

treatment  of  dolls  on  the  same  humanitarian  ground 
as  they  would  resent  a  similar  treatment  of  pets.  It 
seems  to  the  writer  that  parents  should  make  a  neces- 
sary distinction  between  the  treatment  of  dolls  and 
toys,  involving  experimentation,  such  as  cutting  off  a 
doll's  arms  and  legs  in  an  effort  to  operate,  and  such 
treatment  as  beating  a  doll  brutally  when  in  a  temper. 
Many  spankings  are  not  administered  in  a  cruel 
spirit;  they  are  rather  experimental  acts  through 
which  the  youthful  imitator  gets  the  "feel"  of  adult 
acts.  While  we  must  allow  for  the  importance  of  the 
laws  of  exercise  and  effect,  we  can  attach  only  as 
much  importance  to  harmless  experimentation  of  this 
sort  as  we  can  to  experimentation  in  kindliness  and 
sympathy.  Many  youthful  tyrants  pet  and  fondle 
dolls  just  to  try  out  such  acts.  A  fondness  for  dolls 
does  not  necessarily  indicate  fondness  for  babies. 
Habits  and  attitudes  gained  in  doll-play  have  only  the 
same  chance  for  later  usefulness  that  habits  of  kindli- 
ness in  any  situation  have  to  become  a  permanent  basis 
for  character. 

Manipulation  as  Applied  to  Household  Utensils  and 
Toys.  —  A  little  child,  apart  from  training,  pulls,  pokes, 
and  touches  all  objects  within  reach.  This  original 
tendency  is  of  the  utmost  importance  in  understanding 
house-plays.  Such  objects  as  dolls,  dishes,  beds, 
chairs,  washtubs,  and  stoves  are  much  enjoyed  by 
children  before  put  to  their  real  uses  in  dramatic  play. 
This  puttering  of  the  fingers  with  objects  and  toys  is 
noticeable  in  several  of  the  records  presented.  Babies 
will  sit  for  long  periods  fitting  lids  on  pans,  covers  on 
jelly  glasses,  and  small  boxes  into  larger  ones.     It  is 


56 


SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 


difficult  to  discover  how  much  of  form,  size,  and 
dimension  they  learn  from  puttering  with  the  hands, 
but  of  this  we  may  be  sure,  the  end  of  finger  play  is 
knowledge.  It  is  through  puttering  with  the  hands 
that  children  experiment  with  the  things  and  forces  of 
nature.     The  skill  of  the  craftsman,  the  technique  of 


• 

M 

■ 

JL,      ;    .w*£ 

-& 

Pittsburgh  Playgrourui  Association 

The  Handling  of  Household  Utensils  and  Toys  Is  a 
Means  or  Education  to  Children 


the  artist,   and   the   training   of  the  scientist  are  all 

bound  up  in  the  use  of  the  hands.  When  children  first 
handle  such  household  utensils  as  spoons,  tin  pans, 
cups,  and  the  like  their  attention  centers  upon  Mich 
sense  qualities  as  roughness,  hardness,  and  sweetness. 
Soon,  however,  they  learn  the  uses  to  which  objects 
may  be   put;  cups  arc   to  drink   from,   -poons  to  eat 


PLAYING   DOLL   AND   HOUSE  57 

with.  It  is  then  that  their  play  with  household  objects 
is  of  the  imitative  sort.  A  little  later,  more  freedom 
in  the  use  of  these  objects  is  noticeable.  A  pan  be- 
comes a  drum,  a  tin  can  an  engine  bell,  the  clothesline 
a  hose.  Still  later,  make-believe  no  longer  satisfies. 
The  dolls  must  have  a  complete  outfit;  they  must  be 
dressed  as  children  are  dressed;  their  bed  linen  is  not 
complete  without  the  conventional  sheets,  blankets, 
and  quilts;  the  table  service  must  include  necessary 
dishes,  napkins,  and  tablecloth,  while  the  cooking 
utensils  must  approximate  reality.  Tea  parties  be- 
come social  affairs  in  which  the  children  mimic  the 
actions,  bearing,  and  conversation  of  adults,  exchang- 
ing greetings,  inquiring  after  the  health  of  sick  babies, 
and  discussing  the  general  work  of  the  home.  Great 
ceremony  attends  the  serving  of  meals,  and  woe  be  to 
the  unfortunate  child  who  through  lack  of  vision  or 
home  training  puts  the  skillet  or  kettle  on  the  dining- 
room  table! 

Can  Specific  Skills  and  Useful  Habits  be  Taught 
in  House-plays?  —  As  has  been  mentioned  in  the 
discussion  of  the  value  of  utilitarian  play,  the  civilized 
child  sets  the  table,  washes  dishes,  scrubs  floors,  or 
performs  the  useful  occupations  of  grown-ups,  because 
by  doing  so  he  defines  the  meaning  of  such  activities. 
That  he  may  also  acquire  specific  skill  and  useful 
habits  is  often  lost  sight  of.  Surely  the  educator 
would  lose  an  opportunity  did  he  not  overlay  with 
training  the  spontaneous  interest  in  playing  house. 
For  example,  there  is  no  reason  why  children  should 
not  wash  dolls'  clothes  and  dishes  with  real  water  and 
thus  learn  the  elementary  facts  about  laundering  and 


58  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

dishwashing.  They  may  be  shown,  also,  how  to  set 
the  tea  table  attractively,  how  to  make  beds  properly, 
how  to  scrub  their  dolls'  houses  well,  how  to  greet 
each  other  courteously;  and  shown  spontaneously  and 
naturally,  as  a  part  of  the  play  or  game. 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 

Interest  in  House-Plays  Is  Universal  to  Children 

Expansion  of  Plot  Necessary  to  Meet  More  Complex 
Mental  Interests.  --  Just  as  the  physical  equipment 
used  in  simple  house-plays  must  be  enlarged  to  meet 
the  demand  for  increasing  detail  in  dramatic  play,  so 
the  expanding  mental  horizon  necessitates  a  more 
complex  plot.  A  house-play  to  a  child  seven  or  nine 
years  of  age  is  no  longer  a  play  in  which  dolls  are 
merely  nurtured  and  house  furnishings  manipulated. 
Rather  does  it  embody  a  complex  plot  in  which 
schools,    churches,    stores,    industries,    and    commerce 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  59 

are  established.  Often  a  play  is  no  more  than  started 
when  some  resourceful  child  says,  "I'll  be  a  nurse," 
and  another,  "  My  baby  must  be  sent  to  the  hospital." 
But  of  such  development  in  plot  the  records  bear  the 
best  witness. 

Records  of  Dramatic  Plays 

Playing  Dolls  and  House 

1.  Doll-Play.  School  of  Childhood,  University  of 
Pittsburgh.  —  The  play  leader  left  two  naked  dolls  on 
the  table  without  calling  attention  to  them.  A  little 
boy  first  discovered  them  and  picked  up  the  boy  doll. 
Apparently  not  noticing  the  fact  that  the  doll  was 
undressed,  he  wheeled  it  proudly  in  a  doll  cab.  His 
movements  were  so  rapid  that  the  play  leader  said, 
"Does  Mother  wheel  babies  so  fast?"  "No,  nice 
and  easy,"  was  the  reply.  In  the  meantime  the  girl 
doll  had  been  taken  up  by  a  little  boy,  who  gave  it  up 
readily  when  requested  to  do  so  by  a  little  girl. 
"Where  are  its  shoes?"  asked  the  little  girl;  "I 
want  to  give  her  a  bath."  After  washing  the  doll 
carefully  in  a  basin,  the  little  girl  asked  for  a  towel. 
The  play  leader  then  produced  an  outfit  of  clothes, 
and  the  children  put  on  each  garment  properly, 
carefully  buttoning  and  adjusting  each  one.  A  group 
of  children  had  gathered  to  watch  the  dressing  of  the 
dolls,  and  some  of  them  built  out  of  chairs  a  house  in 
which  the  dolls  could  live. 

This  outfit  of  clothes  was  carefully  prepared  in  order  to  give  the 
children  skill  in  dressing  and  undressing  and  in  buttoning  and  lacing 
the  clothes  of  these  large  dolls.  Previous  to  this  the  children  had 
devised  clothes  for  smaller  dolls  themselves. 


6o 


SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 


2.  Company  for  Dinner.  Arsenal  Park.  -The 
home  selected  was  a  small  arched  alcove  in  the  play- 
room. In  the  alcove  was  a  bench  made  of  hoards; 
this  served  as  a 
shelf  or  table  on 
which  stood  a 
washtub,  an  iron- 
ing-board, and  an 
iron.  Four  little 
girls,  about  six 
years  old,  sat 
cosily  around  a 
tea  table ;  one  girl 
was  drinking  tea; 
the  three  others 
were  nursing 
their  dolls.  The 
play  leader 
knocked  on  the 
door  to  announce 
her  visit.  One  <>l 
the  children  arose 

to  let  her  in,  bowed,  and  shook  hands,  then  placed  a 
chair  at  the  table  for  the  guest.  "How  arc  you  to-day?" 
said  the  visitor.  "Oh,  very  well,"  replied  the  little 
girl,  looking  much  pleased.  Sin-  went  to  the  stove 
and  came  back  with  two  platters.  "Have  some  meat 
and  potatoes,"  she  said  to  the  company.  The  visitor 
ate  an  imaginary  dinner  while  the  other  children 
looked  on  with  evident  enjoyment.  Soon  the  visitor 
said  "Good-bye,"  and  went  home.  The  mother  put 
the  dishes  in  the  little  tub  and  washed  them  in  water, 


Pholoardphfil  by  Mary  (J.  \\  auc 

A  Doll's  Birthday  Party 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE 


61 


drying  them  carefully  on  a  small  tea  towel.  She 
arranged  the  dishes  prettily  on  the  shelf.  The  other 
children  continued  to  play  with  their  dolls. 

Such  play  affords  opportunity  to  help  the  children  form  good 
habits  in  table  manners,  assists  them  to  gain  skill  and  neatness  in 
setting  a  table  and  in  washing  dishes,  and  to  gain  courtesy  and 
politeness  in  serving  meals. 


Company  for  Dinner 

3.  Mother  and  Daughter.  Arsenal  Park.  —  Two 
children  chose  an  alcove  for  a  house  and  fenced  it  in 
with  chairs  to  keep  out  intruders.  Dolls,  cup- 
boards, beds,  a  doll  carriage,  stove,  and  a  table  com- 
prised the  house  furnishings.  '  You  be  the  mother 
and  I'll  be  the  daughter,"  said  an  older  girl  to  a  new 
child,  who  was  experiencing  her  first  day  in  the 
playroom.  "All  right,"  came  the  answer.  The 
mother  then  bent  over  the  washbtub,   rubbing  out 


62  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

some  doll  sheets  in  imaginary  water.  "I'm  washing 
the  bedclothes,"  she  said  to  the  daughter  who  had 
been  out  wheeling  her  doll.  The  daughter  then  took 
a  cup  and  gave  her  doll  a  drink.  This  called  the 
mother's  attention  to  the  dishes.  She  left  her 
washing  and  gathered  up  the  cups  and  saucers,  saying, 
"I'll  wash  them."  But  the  daughter  preferred  to  do 
this  herself.  She  laid  her  doll  on  the  bed,  saying  out 
loud  to  herself,  "I  must  wash  her  face,"  then  took 
the  dishes  away  from  the  mother.  Without  any 
feeling  of  loss  of  authority  the  mother  allowed  the 
daughter  to  take  the  dishes  out  of  her  hands  and  went 
back  to  the  tub  to  finish  the  washing.  She  rubbed 
till  the  daughter  had  set  away  the  dishes;  then  she 
took  the  dishes  out  again  and  washed  them  all.  She 
next  put  an  iron  on  the  little  stove.  While  it  was 
heating,  she  went  back  for  the  sheet,  folded  it,  and  put 
it  away.  Just  then  her  eyes  lighted  on  the  dolls. 
She  took  one  out  of  bed  and  placed  it  in  the  cab  ready  for 
a  ride.  The  daughter  appeared  and  forced  her  mother 
to  give  up  the  cab.  The  mother  took  the  sheet  she 
had  just  folded  and  covered  the  other  doll  with  it. 
She  rearranged  the  chairs,  then  took  all  the  bedclothes 
off  one  bed  and  made  up  the  other  for  the  doll.  A 
boy  entered  and  began  to  arrange  the  saucers  on  the 
shelf.  He  placed  the  plates  together  in  groups  of 
three  and  set  a  cup  between  each  group.  "Who  is 
he?"  the  supervisor  asked.  "  He's  the  pap,"  answered 
the  mother.  The  mother  left  the  boy  arranging  the 
saucers  in  geometrical  patterns  and  went  out  for  a 
walk.  She  joined  the  daughter,  who  stood  watching 
a  group  of  children  play  house.     Soon  they  both  came 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  63 

home,  bringing  the  doll  in  a  cab.  The  "pap"  had 
gone.  The  daughter  put  the  doll  in  the  small  bed 
and  tucked  the  clothes  around  it.  The  mother  took 
the  doll  up  again  and  wheeled  it  around  the  room, 
this  time  unmolested  by  the  daughter,  who  was  setting 
the  table.  Suddenly  the  daughter  turned  around  and 
said  to  the  mother,  "Go  over  there  to  that  house," 
pointing  to  the  children  playing  house.  Before  the 
mother  had  time  to  start,  the  daughter  ran  on  ahead, 
getting  there  first.  When  the  mother  arrived,  the 
daughter  said  to  the  other  children,  "That's  my 
mother."  The  mother  had  wheeled  her  doll  over. 
As  she  took  the  doll  out  of  the  cab,  the  daughter 
pointed  to  it  and  said,  "She's  had  smallpox."  The 
children  in  the  house  went  on  with  their  play  undis- 
turbed by  this  announcement;  one  child  was  pressing 
a  sheet  with  a  warm  iron;  another  child  was  dressing 
her  dolls;  still  another  sat  on  the  floor,  playing  with  a 
toy  stove,  taking  the  lids  out  and  fitting  them  in  again. 
The  mother  soon  decided  to  go  home.  The  first 
thing  she  did  on  returning  was  to  wash  the  dishes. 
Then  she  stood  a  while  and  watched  the  daughter, 
who  had  persuaded  the  children  in  the  other  house 
to  come  out  and  play  Ring  Around  the  Rosy.  After 
a  few  minutes  the  mother  set  the  table.  The  daughter 
returned  home  with  her  doll  and  handed  it  to  her 
mother,  then  joined  some  children  who  were  playing 
on  the  slide.  The  mother  wrapped  the  doll  in  a 
sheet,  and,  still  holding  it,  tried  to  clear  the  table; 
this  proved  hard  to  do,  so  she  put  the  doll  to  bed. 
She  became  so  absorbed  in  watching  the  children  slide 
that  she  stood  doing  nothing  for  some  time.     After  a 


64  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

while  she  swept  the  floor.  A  big  boy  tried  to  break 
in  the  house,  and  the  mother  called  to  the  daughter 
to  put  him  out.  Just  then  the  play  leader  said, 
"Time  to  put  the  toys  away." 

This  play  lasted  forty  minutes.  The  writer  presents  it  in  a  full 
narrative  form  just  as  she  saw  it  work  out,  because  il  is  a  clear 
example  of  a  type  of  spontaneous,  unsupervised  house-play  natural 
to  children  under  six  where  the  play  is  left  on  the  plane  of  instinct. 
To  the  casual  reader  it  may  seem  that  no  thread  of  purpose  runs 
through  the  play.  The  children's  interest  shifted  rapidly  from 
the  dolls  to  the  dishes  and  to  each  other;  yet  each  thing  they  did  was 
of  absorbing  interest  to  them.  Every  act  partook  of  the  nature  of 
work;  yet  to  them  it  was  play  because  they  chose  what  to  do  and 
how  to  do  it.  The  mother  was  working  out  a  new  adjustment. 
She  recognized  that  the  daughter  possessed  a  knowledge  of  the 
environment  that  she  herself  did  not  possess;  hence  she  was  glad  to 
be  told  what  to  do.  The  doing  was  absorbing  enough  in  itself. 
She  liked  to  touch,  to  feel,  and  to  handle  the  new  playthings,  dis- 
covering various  social  uses  to  which  they  could  be  put.  The 
daughter  had  a  clearer  idea  of  what  she  wanted  to  do;  chiefly,  she 
liked  to  exert  power,  to  lead,  control,  and  plan  the  actions  of  the 
mother.  Unconsciously  she  was  developing  leadership,  for  good 
or  evil,  and  was  impressing  upon  another  her  own  tastes  and  habits. 
To  the  educator  this  play  is  teeming  with  values  which  need  to  be 
sifted,  and  freighted  with  social  meaning.  When  interest  in  manip- 
ulation is  at  its  height  how  much  skill  in  handling  objects  can 
reasonably  be  expected?  What  attitudes  toward  homemaking  are 
established  in  the  undemocratic  atmosphere  this  home  depicts? 
How  far  was  the  subservient  attitude  of  the  mother  due  to  her 
unfamiliarity  with  the  new  environment  and  how  far  to  innate 
docility  in  the  presence  of  masterly  behavior  on  another's  part? 
All  these  questions  would  interest  a  psychologist  who  aims  to  build 
upon  natural  capacities  in  suggesting  procedure  of  a  higher  order. 

4.  Vaccination.  Lawrence  Park.  -  Several  girls 
made  individual  houses  by  marking  off  a  space  on  the 
floor.     They  built  tables,  chairs,  and  beds  of  blocks, 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  65 

then  played  that  their  dolls  were  ill.  (There  had 
been  a  smallpox  scare  in  the  neighborhood  and  many 
of  the  children  had  been  vaccinated.)  Some  of  the 
boys  played  they  were  doctors.  The  girls  carried  the 
dolls  to  the  doctor's  office  and  had  them  vaccinated. 
Each  doll  came  home  with  a  mark  on  its  arm. 

See  the  development  of  this  type  of  play  in  Hospital  Play,  No.  1. 

5.  Making  Dolls'  Houses.  Washington  Park.  — 
The  younger  children  wanted  to  have  a  doll's  house 
that  would  "keep."  The  play  leader  provided  a 
large  wooden  box  and  the  children  suggested  having  a 
downstairs  and  an  upstairs,  so  a  board  was  nailed 
in  to  form  a  partition.  The  floors  and  walls  were 
scrubbed  clean.  A  little  girl  suggested  papering  the 
walls.  The  following  day  the  children  were  given 
manila  paper  and  colored  crayon  with  which  to  design 
wall-paper.  Those  making  the  best  patterns  were 
allowed  to  paper  a  room.  The  next  day  the  children 
were  given  blue  cardboard  and  white  strips  of  various 
width  to  experiment  with  in  making  striped  rugs. 
The  best  rugs  were  placed  on  the  two  floors.  Some 
of  the  older  girls  sewed  and  tacked  up  white  window 
curtains.  Because  a  kitchen  and  dining  room  were 
needed  downstairs  the  large  room  had  to  be  partitioned 
into  two  rooms.  The  upstairs  was  left  as  it  was  for  a 
bedroom.  For  the  kitchen,  the  children  suggested 
having  a  small  table,  a  cupboard,  and  one  chair;  for 
the  dining  room  a  large  table,  a  sideboard,  and  four 
chairs.  The  bedroom  was  to  have  two  beds  and  two 
chairs.  Uneeda  biscuit  boxes  were  brought  out  by 
the    play    leader    for    the    furniture.     The    children 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 

Building  Houses  for  Dolls 


PLAYING   DOLL   AND   HOUSE  67 

helped  to  plan  and  make  each  piece.  When  it  was 
done  they  wanted  to  varnish  the  furniture.  It  was 
placed  on  a  table  which  was  covered  with  newspapers 
and  each  child  was  allowed  to  put  on  one  coat  of 
shellac.  The  next  day  the  children  arranged  the 
furniture  in  the  three  rooms,  brought  out  the  "Do 
With  Dolls,"  and  played  house  all  the  afternoon.  For 
several  weeks  the  dolls'  house  was  the  center  of 
interest.  The  dolls  were  taken  for  daily  rides  in  the 
doll  buggies,  and  were  put  through  many  kinds  of 
housework.  The  father  doll  was  usually  taken  away 
to  work  at  some  occupation  and  brought  home  at 
meal  time. 

6.  Canning  Fruit.  Lawrence  Park. — The  children 
of  this  playroom  were  often  taken  to  a  small  farm 
near  the  playground.  Here  they  saw  several  kinds  of 
fruit  trees.  One  day  they  played  they  were  canning 
fruit.  Each  child  made  a  separate  house  by  parti- 
tioning off  a  space  on  the  floor,  and  built  a  stove  with 
blocks.  The  girls  played  canning  fruit  and  making 
jelly,  using  large  wooden  cylinders  for  the  jars;  they 
arranged  the  jars  on  a  shelf.  The  boys  offered  to 
carry  the  jars  down  cellar;  this  necessitated  extending 
the  space  of  each  house  a  little.  Some  of  the  girls 
took  jars  of  fruit  to  their  neighbors. 

There  is  no  reason  why  children  may  not  play  as  spontaneously 
in  making  real  jelly  as  in  pretending  to  make  jelly,  and  where 
facilities  permit  this  is  often  done  in  the  playrooms. 

7.  Party.  Lawrence  Park.  —  One  child  announced 
that  it  was  her  birthday.  She  wrote  invitations 
to  a  party  and  delivered  them  to  her  girl  friends. 
They  came  and  played  games.     After  the  interest  in 


68  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

games  had  worn  out,  the  hostess  suggested  a  boat  ride. 
She  placed  chairs  on  a  table  for  a  boat  and  the  girls 
jumped  in.  Two  boys  offered  to  be  the  crew.  One 
girl  jumped  overboard  and  was  rescued  by  members 
of  the  crew,  who  swam  in  after  her  and  together 
carried  her  to  a  hospital.  The  other  girls  went  home, 
forgetting  to  say  good-bye  to  their  hostess. 

Note  the  opportunity  for  playful  acquiring  of  habits  of  courtesy 
and  politeness. 

8.  House,  School,  and  Hotel.  Lawrence  Park.  — 
One  day  the  play  leader  introduced  the  thought  of 
promptness  into  the  house-plays.  She  showed  the 
children  how  to  make  little  clocks  for  their  houses. 
One  group  of  children  kept  a  hotel.  Several  children 
came  there  to  stay  all  night  and  asked  to  be  called  at 
a  certain  time.  They  lay  down  to  sleep  and  the  clerk 
got  them  up  at  the  time  they  requested  him  to  call 
them.  Another  group  of  children  played  school. 
The  teacher  told  them  to  come  at  nine  o'clock  and 
rang  the  bell  at  that  time.  At  noon  she  sent  the 
children  home  to  dinner.  Some  of  them  planned  to 
be  late.  When  they  came  back  to  school  the  teacher 
wrote  their  names  on  the  board  and  kept  them  aft  ti- 
the other  children  had  gone  home. 

9.  A  Sick  Doll.  Lawrence  Park.  —  A  house  was 
made  at  one  end  of  the  playroom  by  partitioning  off  a 
space  with  chairs.  In  the  house  sat  a  little  girl 
holding  a  sick  doll.  Near  by  stood  a  tul)  of  water. 
She  wrung  out  a  cloth  in  the  water  and  carefully 
washed  the  doll's  face,  then  took  a  dry  cloth  and 
bound  around  its  wrist.  "It  takes  every  rag  I  can 
get,"  she  said  aloud  to  herself. 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE 


69 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  oj  Recreation 

"This  Is  the  Way  We  Scrub  Our  Floor" 


10.     Getting   Spanked.     Lawrence  Park.  —  A  tea 

table  behind  a  screen  represented  the  home.  The 
family  were  a  mother,  a  young  girl,  and  an  older  girl 
who  was  ironing.  The  mother  went  away.  The 
young  girl  sat  down  at  the  table  to  drink  some  tea. 
She  spilled  the  water  on  the  oilcloth,  whereupon  the 
older  girl  left  her  ironing  to  give  her  a  spanking.  A 
small  boy  was  playing  near  by.  He  saw  the  spanking 
and  came  over  to  comfort  the  girl,  saying,  "Never 
mind!"  Then  he  went  back  to  his  play.  He  was 
George  Washington  chopping  down  a  cherry  tree! 
But  the  mother  had  seen  the  disturbance.  She  came 
running  home  and  administered  a  spanking  to  the 
older  girl. 


70  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 


Photographed  by  Mary  G.  Waite 


Building  Playhouses 


This  play  shows  the  importance  of  imitation  in  discipline.  It  is 
evident  that  the  pattern  had  been  set  at  home  and  that  spilling 
anything  on  the  table  was  a  punishable  offense  in  at  least  one  home. 
The  boy's  protective  instinct  and  the  mother's  higher  sense  of 
justice  are  good  examples  of  spontaneous  kindliness  and  resistance 
to  injustice.  In  regard  to  a  situation  calculated  to  produce  a 
display  of  kindliness,  Thorndike  says:  "The  situation  'a  living  thing 
displaying  hungry,  frightened,  or  pained  behavior  by  wailing,  cling- 
ing, holding  out  its  arms  and  the  like'  provokes  attention  and 
discomfort,  and  may,  if  attendant  circumstances  do  not  shunt 
behavior  over  to  the  hunting,  avoiding,  or  triumphing  responses, 
provoke  acts  of  relief."1 

ii.     House   and   Restaurant.     Lawrence   Park.  - 
A  group  of  ten  girls  and  one  boy,  all  about   nine  or 
ten  years  old,  started  a  restaurant.     They  arranged 

'E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  I,  pp.  102-103. 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND  HOUSE  7 1 

tables  in  a  long  row  and  covered  them  with  white 
wrapping  paper  to  represent  a  tablecloth.  Two  girls 
washed  and  wiped  the  aluminum  dishes  and  two 
others  set  the  table.  The  boy  announced  that  he 
would  take  in  the  money  and  seated  himself  at  a  table 
near  the  entrance.  When  some  of  the  cooks  had 
prepared  an  imaginary  dinner  on  two  toy  stoves,  they 
put  on  white  paper  caps  and  aprons  and  stood  behind 
the  long  rows  of  tables.  Then  the  clerk  rang  a  bell 
long  and  loudly.  All  the  other  children  in  the  play- 
room left  their  games  to  see  what  was  going  on. 
From  those  entering  the  restaurant  the  clerk  insisted 
on  advance  payment  for  the  dinner,  so  some  of  the 
children  ran  home  to  get  paper  money.  The  clerk 
gave  each  child  the  proper  change  after  deducting  the 
price  of  a  meal.  The  dinner  proved  exciting,  for  if 
the  boarders  did  not  get  waited  on  at  once,  they 
shouted  out  what  they  wanted.  So  the  play  leader 
stepped  in  and  quietly  supervised  the  ordering  of 
meals.  One  mother  did  not  get  served  as  soon  as  she 
wished  and  left  the  restaurant  in  indignation,  carrying 
her  doll  in  her  arms.  Another  child  ordered  roast 
beef  and  a  cup  of  tea;  still  another  ordered  corned 
beef.  All  ate  the  imaginary  dinner  with  much  satis- 
faction. When  they  had  finished  and  gone  home  the 
waitresses  cleared  the  table;  the  cooks  washed  the 
dishes,  and  the  clerk  counted  the  money.  Then  the 
same  play  started  over  again. 

Interest  in  this  play  persisted  for  several  days.  It  gave  each 
child  some  principal  role  to  enact.  The  cooks,  waitresses,  and  clerk 
had  interesting  tasks  to  perform,  tasks  which  permitted  manipula- 
tion of  materials  and  adjustments  to  people.     It  was  interesting 


/-' 


SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 


to  see  how  the  children  mimicked  the  manners  of  their  elders.  See 
here  also  the  rich  opportunity  for  giving  through  imitation  ideas  of 
politeness  and  good  table  manners  and  for  teaching  the  processes 
involved  in  making  change  and  to  emphasize  essentials  in  a  good  diet. 

12.  A  Community  Play.  Greenfield  School  Play- 
ground.1 -  "Asa  result  of  the  summer's  play  my  pro- 
gram can  be  summed 
up  as  a  series  of 
plays  which  grew  out 
of  the  contact  with 
human  nature.  The 
plays  and  games  tell 
the  story  of  the  hu- 
man family  in  all  its 
relationships. 

"The  community 
play  began  by  several 
children  choosing  for 
a  home  a  perfectly 
natural  alcove  made 
of  bushes.  The  first 
few  days  were  spent  in 
organizing  the  family 
and  placing  them  in 
Out   of   this  grew  man's 


A  Primitive  Siii.i.i  i  k 


their  natural  environment. 


needs  for  the  promotion  of  his  physical  welfare.  Stones 
were  chosen  out  of  which  to  construct  a  stove  and  an  old 
bucket  was  found  for  a  cooking  utensil.  The  materials 
used  for  cooking  were  sand  for  cakes,  daisies  for 
potatoes,   grass   for   salad,   and    the  yellow   center  of 

1  This  play  was  developed  and  described  by  Kathleen  McSweeney 
and  is  presented  in  her  own  words. 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  73 

daisies  for  eggs.  A  box  served  as  a  table,  milk-bottle 
tops  became  dishes,  and  paper  was  cut  into  table- 
clothes  and  napkins.  Then  dinner  was  served.  The 
next  day's  plan  was  similar  except  that  everything 
was  worked  out  with  more  detail.  The  following  day 
a  dominant  note  was  struck  in  this  living  program 
when  another  family  was  chosen,  Auntie  and 
Cousin  who  lived  next  door,  thus  introducing  man's 
craving  for  social  relationship.  The  Auntie  and 
Cousin  visited  the  family  and  stayed  for  tea.  When 
one  of  the  children  said  'How  do  you  do?'  she  shook 
hands.  This  seemed  a  good  opportunity  to  introduce 
the  visiting  game,  'We  Go  Across  the  Street.' 

"The  following  day  came  the  idea  of  commercial 
relationship.  A  group  of  boys  started  a  store.  The 
next  day  more  stores  sprang  up,  a  fruit  store,  a 
grocery,  and  a  meat  market.  This  led  to  a  division  of 
labor.  Day  by  day  the  field  of  play  widened  until  it 
unfolded  in  the  building  of  a  city.  Wheelbarrows 
served  as  delivery  wagons  and  suggested  the  need  of 
drivers  and  hucksters.  The  following  day  some  one 
spoke  of  the  need  for  money,  so  a  bank  was  incor- 
porated. One  of  the  boys  chose  to  be  a  banker  and 
took  a  corps  of  assistants.  Money  was  made  from 
milk-bottle  tops.  Each  storekeeper  and  older  citizen 
was  supplied  with  a  bank  book.  When  they  came  to 
the  bank  they  brought  these  books  and  deposited  and 
drew  money.  The  clerk  kept  a  careful  record  of  all 
the  transactions. 

"A  new  family  was  added  the  following  day.  The 
other  families  called  upon  their  new  neighbors.  As  a 
means  of  entertainment  the  hostess  was  invited   to 


74  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

tell  a  story;  this  story  hour  was  enjoyed  and  repeated 
at  the  other  houses,  with  singing. 

"Now  the  mothers  found  a  school  absolutely  neces- 
sary. The  children  were  dressed  and  sent  to  school. 
At  recess  they  went  out  in  the  schoolyard  for  games. 
At  noon  the  children  were  dismissed  for  luncheon  and 
at  the  sound  of  the  bell  returned  to  school.  One  day 
some  one  suggested  a  holiday.  Every  one  in  the  city 
took  Saturday  afternoon  off  and  went  to  the  woods  or 
games.  The  next  day  was  Sunday  and  all  went  to 
church.  Up  to  the  tent  they  marched,  seated  them- 
selves on  the  benches  and  sang  'America' ;  then  church 
was  considered  over.  Monday  the  stores  reopened 
and  school  commenced. 

"One  day  a  new  note  of  interest  was  introduced  by 
the  children  suggesting  the  need  of  a  telephone.  The 
following  day  a  telephone  was  evolved  from  spool 
boxes,  cord,  and  a  spool.  The  children  took  much 
pleasure  in  telephoning  to  the  stores,  homes,  etc. 
A  few  days  later  the  play  broadened  when  imaginary 
fue  broke  out  in  one  of  the  stores.  A  volunteer  fire 
company  was  organized;  the  express  wagon  became  a 
hose  cart,  and  a  company  of  children  with  buckets 
started  to  put  out  the  lire. 

"One  of  the  most  interesting  parts  of  this  play  is  in 
connection  with  the  selection  of  roles.  The  same 
group  of  children  continually  played  the  same  parts. 
One  little  girl  who  was  the  first  little  mother  in  the 
home  played  the  same  role  every  day  until  the  end  of 
the  season.  This  seems  to  indicate  that  to  each  and 
every  one  of  the  children  the  experience  was  a  vital 
one.     The   following  summer  the  children   who   had 


PLAYING   DOLL  AND   HOUSE  75 

taken  part  in  this  play  the  summer  before  requested 
to  play  again  the  same  drama  and  enact  the  same 
roles." 

Here  again  we  see  a  social  situation  in  which  the  enjoyment  of 
habitation,  the  instinct  of  manipulation,  and  the  social  instincts 
were  utilized  in  a  neighborhood  approaching  a  community  center. 
The  children  felt  the  need  of  stores,  banks,  and  schools.  This  need 
could  have  been  made  the  basis  for  teaching  skills  in  home-making, 
in  banking  processes,  and  in  businesslike  procedure  in  the  stores. 
Arithmetic  enters  in  as  a  factor  in  filling  orders,  while  problems 
in  engineering  engage  the  attention  of  those  who  plan  and  lay  out 
streets  or  install  telephone  systems. 

13.  A  House  Play.1  —  "The  two  play  houses  on 
the  porch  came  to  be  considered  as  an  established  part 
of  the  playground.  There  were  two  complete  families. 
The  little  girl  who  took  charge  of  the  homes  was  very 
capable.  She  ordered  the  daily  events  in  the  homes 
much  as  her  own  mother  must  have  done.  The  older 
children  were  put  to  work  while  the  younger  ones  were 
sent  to  school.  Meals  were  served  regularly.  At 
first  the  children  used  stones,  straws,  and  the  like  for 
food,  but  in  a  short  time  they  brought  a  few  foods, 
such  as  crackers  and  fruit  from  home.  The  play 
went  on  daily,  and  although  the  members  of  each 
family  changed  and  the  routine  of  management  was 
altered  at  times,  there  were  very  few  days  when  the 
play  itself  was  neglected." 

Play  13  is  similar  in  content  to  several  previously  described, 
but  affords  too  good  an  example  of  children's  growth  in  the  use  of 
mental  imagery  to  escape  special  mention.  The  play  leader  com- 
ments on  the  fact  that  stones,  straws,  etc.,  were  first  used  for  food, 
but  that,  later,  real  food  supplanted  imaginary  supplies;  that  is, 

1  Account  by  Louise  Borland. 


76 


SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 


there  had  come  an  inner  necessity  for  the  objects  used  to  resemble 
reality  with  some  degree  of  fitness  fiction  failed  to  satisfy.  As 
we  have  said  before,  this  interest  in  detail  comes  some  time  after 
the  seventh  year,  when  the  more  definite  working  out  of  mental 
images  necessitates  actual  truth  in  representation. 

The  second  point  worthy  of  comment  in  both  Play  13  and  the 
one  preceding  it  is  the  permanence  of  the  dramatic  form.  The  little 
homes  and  the  activities  connected  with  them  had  become  a  part 
of  the  equipment  of  the  playground,  physical  and  social.  A  space 
was  reserved  for  the  homes,  and  certain  children  were  recognized  as 
responsible  for  certain  roles.  These  facts  seem  significant  in 
showing  how  play  interests  carry  over  from  day  to  day  and  become 
habit-forming  agencies  in  the  lives  of  children. 


Si  hool  of  Childhood,  University  of  Pittsburgh 

Our  House 


CHAPTER  V 
Playing  Store 

Why  Children  Like  to  Play  Store.  —  Store  as  a 
dramatic  play  demands  the  presence  of  other  children 
in  a  happy  give  and  take  of  social  amenities.  Children 
enjoy  experimenting  with  the  actions  of  people  as  well 
as  with  the  properties  of  things  and  the  trade  and 
barter  of  merchandise  afford  an  opportunity  for  much 
human  experimenting. 

Two  or  three  children  cooperate  for  mutual  advan- 
tage, and  native  ability  in  leadership  is  sure  to  appear. 
A  child  gifted  with  social  graces  and  tact  often  prefers 
to  sell,  while  one  whose  interest  is  in  motor  activities 
likes  to  become  a  driver  or  to  perform  the  active 
physical  work  about  the  store. 

Manipulation.  —  Manipulation  of  materials  is  also 
pleasurable  and  is  partly  responsible  for  the  interest 
children  take  in  store-plays.  Little  children  seem  to 
take  a  spontaneous  delight  in  hoarding  objects  to  use 
in  store-plays;  partly  for  the  joy  of  manipulating  such 
objects,  but  also  because  of  a  native  tendency  to  hoard 
and  collect. 

Collecting.  —  Interest  in  collecting  accounts  for 
part  of  children's  interest  in  store-plays.  As  early  as 
the  last  part  of  the  second  year  the  tendency  to 
collect  sticks,  stones,  spools,  bottles,  and  the  like  is 
noticeable.  The  collecting  of  valueless  objects  con- 
tinues all  through  childhood,  indeed,  throughout  life. 

77 


78  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  variation  in  the  objects  collect- 
ed. Objects  of  a  certain  kind  are  usually  collected 
because  they  are  present  in  the  immediate  environ- 
ment; thus  children  in  the  country  collect  acorns, 
twigs,  or  stones,  while  those  in  the  city  collect  cigar 
boxes,  medals,  etc.  Objects  cherished  dearly  at  one 
moment  are  surrendered  carelessly  at  another  as 
interests  change.  The  sight  of  another  person  collect- 
ing objects  is  enough  to  awaken  a  like  desire  to  possess. 
Children  under  four  years  of  age  are  likely  to  collect 
anything  they  can  lay  hands  upon.  I  once  observed 
for  a  period  of  three  days  a  play  of  a  four-year-old 
child  involving  collecting.  It  was  a  crude  kind  of 
store  play.  On  the  store  counter  improvised  from 
several  long  boards  were  spread  out  the  following 
articles:  a  mouse  trap,  a  toy  ambulance,  a  bear,  a 
horse,  a  cart,  a  gun,  an  oleomargarine  box,  a  baking- 
powder  can,  paper  cookies,  blocks  to  represent  sticks 
of  candy,  a  pencil,  a  buttonhook,  a  wheel,  castors,  a 
knife,  toy  dishes,  and  celluloid  animals.  A  few  of 
these  various  articles  were  at  first  arranged  in  rows  to 
represent  sticks  of  candy  or  rows  of  cookies.  But  as 
the  range  of  objects  grew,  the  articles  were  displayed 
without  system.  Doubtless  this  last  was  because  of 
lack  of  space.  The  objects  were  still  classified  in  the 
boy's  mind,  however,  for  whenever  I  inquired  about 
some  article,  such  as  coffee  or  sugar,  which  none  of  his 
articles  resembled,  he  promptly  gave  some  such  reply 
as  "  I  haven't  any,  but  doesn't  your  little  boy  want  a 
gun  or  some  bread?"  It  seemed  that  the  basis  of 
classification  in  the  boy's  mind  was  size  and  shape. 
I  had  noticed  this  tendency  in  other  children.     Record 


PLAYING   STORE  79 

2  shows  children's  use  of  wooden  beads,  cubes,  spheres, 
and  cylinders  to  represent  objects  in  a  grocery  store. 
When  customers  asked  for  a  particular  kind  of  fruit  or 
vegetable  the  children  selected  beads  most  nearly 
resembling  the  shape  of  the  article  demanded.  This 
was  their  way  of  classifying  for  shape. 

Children  of  kindergarten  age  show  some  interest  in 
arranging  and  classifying  the  objects  they  collect. 
In  playing  store,  for  example,  sugar  is  kept  in  one 
place,  bread  in  another,  and  potatoes  in  another.  All 
things  are  not  sold  in  one  store;  one  child  keeps  a 
grocery  store,  another  a  meat  market,  and  another  a 
bakery. 

Progression  in  the  Collecting  Interest  is  Due  to 
Age.  —  Miss  Burk  found  the  collecting  interest  to  be 
present  at  six  years  of  age,  and  to  continue  through  the 
seventeenth  year.  She  states  that  the  time  of  greatest 
interest  in  collecting  is  between  nine  and  ten  years, 
when  the  average  number  of  collections  per  child  is 
4.4.  She  places  the  first  classifications  appearing 
after  nine  or  ten  years  of  age  on  the  basis  of  color 
and  size,  while  classifications  of  kind  come  a  little 
later.  What  a  child  collects,  according  to  Burk, 
depends  largely  on  the  environment.  When  rivalry 
enters  into  collecting  the  aim  seems  to  be  to  outstrip 
others  in  numbers.1  This  kind  of  collecting  is  less 
common  to  store  play  than  is  that  in  which  arrange- 
ment or  order  becomes  the  important  feature.  Thus 
store  plays  may  become  a  source  of  really  scientific 
training  in  the  use  of  objects. 

1  C.  F.  Burk:  "The  Collecting  Instinct,"  Pedagogical  Seminary. 
Vol.  VII,  pp.  205-6. 


**%>*     ^  * 

S" 

Si 

jk     ^1^. 

9 

•  »■..,**          .  i 

Collecting 


80  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Collecting  as  Related   to   the  Hunting  Interest.— 

Probably  one  reason 
why  interest  in  col- 
lecting is  greatest  in 
the  pre-adolescent 
period  is  the  fact  that 
the  desire  to  roam 
about,  to  find,  and  to 
hunt  is  strong  in  this 
period.  In  succeeding 
years  the  interest 
wanes  or  becomes  a 
fad,  such  as  the  col- 
lect ing  of  souvenir 
spoons  or  dance  pro- 
grams. 
Information  Gained  in  Playing  Store.  —  A  great 
deal  of  information  about  materials  and  processes  of 
manufacturing  is  picked  up  in  connection  with  store 
plays.  The  child  who  has  a  dry-goods  store  learns 
about  such  materials  as  silk,  linen,  cotton,  and  wool. 
By  means  of  pictures  and  stories  he  may  be  shown 
interesting  facts  about  raw  products  and  about  the 
machinery  converting  these  products  into  material 
for  clothing.  If  he  keeps  a  grocery  store  he  learns 
about  food  stuffs.  His  interest  is  easily  enlisted  in 
sources  and  processes  by  which  meat,  butter,  milk, 
cereals,  and  vegetables  come  to  us.  Or  he  may  become 
a  hardware  merchant  and  learn  about  tin,  iron,  and 
copper,  and  about  the  processes  each  undergoes  before 
it  reaches  the  consumer. 


PLAYING   STORE  8 1 

Scrap-books  a  Source  of  Information.  —  In  con- 
nection with  store  plays  children  can  be  stimulated 
to  make  scrap-books  illustrating  food  products  and 
the  changes  these  products  undergo  before  they  reach 
the  consumer,  also  to  make  scrap-books  illustrating 
clothing  materials  and  the  corresponding  processes 
of  manufacture.  Current  magazines  and  advertising 
catalogs  abound  in  such  pictures.  Other  kinds  of 
scrap-books  which  are  related  to  the  collecting  interest 
are  travel  books  which  appeal  to  the  child's  love  of 
adventure,  machinery  scrap-books,  bird  and  animal 
scrap-books,  and  "Who,  When,  and  What"  scrap- 
books.  Children's  librarians  make  use  of  the  collect- 
ing instinct  by  telling  stories  which  the  children 
illustrate  in  scrap-books.  The  children  cut  out  of 
magazines  pictures  of  scenes,  people,  and  activities 
described  in  a  story  and  paste  these  pictures  into  a 
scrap-book.  Nature-study  teachers  make  use  of 
interest  in  collecting  by  stimulating  children  to  make 
their  own  collections  of  plants  and  animals. 

Information  Regarding  Money  Values  and  Stand- 
ard Weights  and  Measures.  —  With  interest  in  detail 
of  various  kinds  comes  the  demand  for  money  and 
standard  weights  and  measures.  Many  schools  are 
utilizing  store  plays  in  thrift  instruction  to  teach  the 
value  of  money  and  to  give  real  experiences  in  weigh- 
ing and  measuring.  The  school  children  are  also 
taken  to  the  stores;  are  required  to  buy  with  real 
money,  and  to  report  on  the  weight  and  measure  of  the 
articles  purchased.  On  the  playground  the  children 
often  use  milk-bottle  tops  for  money.  These  tops 
can  be  purchased   in  quantity.     When  the  children 


82  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

demand  different  sizes  of  coin,  cardboard  can  be  used 
to  make  the  smaller  coins  and  milk-bottle  tops  to 
represent  dollars. 

Records  of  Store-Plays 

i.  Store  —  A  Home  Play.  —One  day  R  built  a 
hollow  square  counter  and  arranged  on  it  a  collection 
of  blocks  of  different  sizes.  "What  are  these?"  I 
asked.  "These  are  sticks  of  candy,"  he  said,  pointing 
to  pillar-shaped  blocks.  "There  are  margarine" 
showing  me  a  pile  of  oblong  blocks,  and  "Here  are 
eggs,"  pointing  to  a  row  of  small  wooden  wheels.  1 
suspect  the  classification  and  arrangement  of  blocks 
would  have  gone  further,  but  for  the  diversity  in  size 
of  the  blocks  he  had  collected.  At  any  rate,  selling 
now  interested  him  more  than  collecting  and  1  was 
forced  to  be  a  customer,  ordering  by  telephone  groceries 
which  were  delivered  promptly  to  the  chair  where  I 
sat  reading.  Play  money  was  furnished  me,  and  I 
was  expected  to  pay  for  each  article  received. 

The  following  day  I  assisted  R  to  build  a  long 
counter  out  of  boards.  We  placed  the  supports 
under  the  counter.  R,  not  finding  a  suitable  place 
on  the  counter  in  which  to  arrange  classified  material, 
exclaimed,  "It  won't  do!"  Then,  seeing  the  drawers 
underneath,  he  began  to  arrange  his  playthings  and 
blocks  in  sections.  When  I  asked  for  candy  or 
cookies  he  weighed  his  materials  on  the  kitchen  scales 
and  wrapped  them  in  paper  which  he  had  rolled  around 
a  stick  to  imitate  a  grocer's  roll.1 

1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records. 


PLAYING   STORE  83 

2.  Store.  Washington  Park  Playroom.  -  -  Three 
four-year-old  children  enjoyed  playing  a  simple  game 
of  store.  They  asked  the  play  leader  for  a  box  of  large 
wooden  beads  containing  spheres,  cubes,  and  cylinders. 
When  anyone  came  to  the  store,  these  children  said, 
"What  do  you  want?"  then  searched  in  the  box  for  a 
bead  the  shape  of  which  resembled  the  object  named. 
One  day  they  asked  for  the  scales  and  weighed  each 
object  before  selling  it. 

3.  Grocery  Store.  Andrews  School  Playground. — 
One  boy  kept  a  grocery  store.  Another  boy  played 
farmer.  The  farmer  molded  wet  sand  into  all  kinds 
of  shapes,  naming  each  shape  after  some  vegetable. 
He  then  brought  his  vegetables  to  the  storekeeper, 
who  sold  them  to  other  children. 

4.  Lumber  Yard.  —  Near  the  grocery  just  de- 
scribed a  group  of  boys  piled  up  blocks  to  represent  a 
lumber  yard.     They  sold  lumber  to  customers. 

5.  Drug  Store.  A  Home  Play. -Two  little  girls 
selected  a  box  to  represent  a  counter  for  their  store. 
They  collected  bottles  of  various  sizes  and  filled  them 
with  colored  water.  Red  and  pink  were  made  from 
cinnamon  candy,  and  blue  and  black  from  ink. 
Then,  as  interest  in  mixing  colors  grew,  the  girls 
experimented  with  paints  until  they  had  mixed  almost 
every  imaginable  color.  They  showed  the  collection 
of  filled  bottles  to  all  the  people  in  the  neighborhood, 
but  never  thought  of  selling. 

It  is  clear  that  to  those  eight-year-old  girls  the  joy  of  collecting 
and  experimenting  with  color  was  stronger  than  interest  in  trade  and 
barter. 


84 


SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 


Playing  Store 


6.  Farm  and  Store.  Sullivan  Playground.  -  -  Two 
boys  started  a  store.  Other  boys  in  the  group  volun- 
teered to  be  farmers.  A  group  of  girls  offered  to 
cooperate.  The  boys  planted  vegetables,  then  called 
upon  the  girls  to  assist  in  gathering  the  crops.  One 
farmer  loaded  an  express  wagon  with  tin  buckets  full 
of  vegetables  (grass,  stones,  and  sand)  and  took  them 
to  the  store.  The  storekeeper  bought  the  vegetables, 
then  closed  his  store,  saying  it  was  night.  After  a 
short  rest  he  set  out  the  baskets  of  vegetables  on  the 
counter  and  said  it  was  morning.  A  number  of 
children  then  came  to  buy. 

7.  Millinery  Store.  Washington  Park.  —  A  group 
of  girls  eight  or  nine  years  old  started  a  millinery  store. 
They  set  to  work  making  hats  out  of  tissue  paper  of 
various  colors.     They  cut  and  sewed  the  hats,  then 


PLAYING    STORE  85 

trimmed  them  with  tissue-paper  bows,  flowers,  and 
feathers.  They  hung  up  a  sign  and  several  girls  came 
to  the  store  to  buy.  The  older  customers  found  it 
great  fun  to  try  on  the  hats;  usually  a  selection  was 
made  only  after  trying  on  several  hats.  The  six-year- 
old  children  often  took  the  first  hats  they  saw. 

With  the  girls  from  eight  to  nine,  the  point  of  the  play  was  the 
constructive  interest,  although  the  dramatic  interest  ran  almost  as 
high.     With  the  younger  children,  buying  was  the  point  of  interest. 

8.  Grocery    Store.     South    Side    Playground.  - 

Some  boys  and  girls,  eight  and  ten  years  old,  had  great 
fun  collecting  objects  for  their  store.  They  brought 
from  home  sample  boxes  of  cocoa,  chocolate,  and 
cream  of  wheat,  arranging  the  articles  quite  artistically 
on  the  counter.  Each  purchaser  was  shown  every- 
thing in  the  store  before  he  was  permitted  to  tell  what 
he  wanted  to  buy.  When  he  made  his  choice,  the 
package  was  wrapped  in  brown  paper,  tied  with  string, 
and  handed  to  him  by  a  clerk  who  invariably  assumed 
an  air  of  importance. 

9.  Store.  O'Hara  School  Playground.  —  Two 
large  dry-goods  boxes  served  as  a  counter.  An  elabo- 
rate cash  box  was  constructed  out  of  a  tin  can  and  a 
piece  of  string.  Whenever  a  customer  paid  for  goods 
the  clerk  put  the  paper  money  in  the  cash  box  and 
pulled  a  string  which  carried  the  box  up  to  a  wire;  he 
then  slid  the  box  over  to  the  cashier,  who  examined  the 
money  and  sent  the  change  back  to  the  clerk.  In  this 
store  the  buckets,  hoops,  sand  tines,  shovels,  balls, 
jacks,  and  other  toys  were  sold  to  children  in  exchange 
for  paper  money.  At  the  close  of  each  morning's 
session  these  playthings  were  returned  by  the  children 


86  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

using  them  to  the  storekeeper,  who  put  them  away 
until  the  next  day.  This  proved  a  good  way  to 
distribute  the  playthings. 

Educational  Possibilities  in  Playing  Store 

Store-Play  in  Connection  With  School  Work.  — 
Store-plays  are  becoming  an  integral  part  of  a  liberal 
primary  school  education;  indeed,  we  might  almost 
say  of  the  elementary  school  as  well ;  and  yet  the  real 
possibilities  of  such  play  represent  almost  an  un- 
touched field.  The  subject  seems  worthy  of  a  fuller 
discussion  than  was  given  in  connection  with  spon- 
taneous play. 

Sense  Education,  Memory  Work,  Drill,  and  Atten- 
tion as  Used  in  Playing  Store.  —  Public  school 
education  places  stress  on  situations  in  which  training 
in  sense  perception,  memory,  and  attention  can  be 
directed  toward  educational  cuds.  Store-plays  afford 
an  opportunity  for  such  training  through  providing 
social  situations  in  which  the  native  tendencies  to 
collect,  to  manipulate,  and  to  act  in  social  ways  aid 
and  abet  the  teacher's  efforts  to  secure  the  result 
desired.  For  example,  after  children  have  collected 
objects  with  which  to  play  store,  they  can  be  helped 
to  improve  the  collections  and  to  arrange  them  with 
some  regard  for  scientific  method  or  aesthetic  appre- 
ciation. The  quality  of  the  collections  is  thus  im- 
proved and  sense  education  can  proceed  on  a  higher 
plane.  Attention  to  the  objects  collected  and  arranged 
is  of  the  spontaneous  kind,  and  the  wide  range  of 
most  children's  collections  tends  to  bring  a  breadth  of 
interest.     Memory   drill    and    review   concerning   the 


PLAYING   STORE  87 

objects  collected  and  their  place  in  relation  to  some 
social,  economic,  or  scientific  system  is  a  matter  of 
spontaneous  attention.  It  takes  effort  to  stand  the 
strain  of  drill  where  no  play  interest  is  present,  and 
the  social  store-play  helps  to  bridge  the  chasm  between 
spontaneous  and  sustained  attention. 

These  points  can  best  be  made  clear  through  con- 
crete examples  accompanied  by  illustrations  con- 
cerning the  part  the  thinking  processes  play  in  such 
dramatic  games  as  store-play. 

Grocery  Store 

Sense   Education   Through   Playing   Store.  —  The 

study  of  foods  and  of  textiles,  also  the  training  for 
some  degree  of  efficiency  in  the  use  of  both,  are  a  part 
of  industrial  education  in  the  elementary  school. 
What  better  opportunity  to  learn  about  foods  than 
through  actual  manipulation  of  real  objects  in  a 
dramatic  game?  Time  should  be  allowed,  especially 
with  smaller  children,  to  touch,  look  at,  lift,  and 
perhaps  smell  and  taste  the  objects  handled.  The 
power  to  observe  can  be  improved  steadily  up  to  the 
fifteenth  year.  Children  can  be  urged  to  take  another 
look  where  first  impressions  have  been  inadequate, 
and  then  required  to  verify  the  second  observation. 
Let  them  combine  muscle  sense  with  tactual  experience 
and  in  this  way  get  larger  sense  data.  Memory  drill 
can  be  utilized,  too,  when  interest  is  high. 

Knowledge  of  Production  of  Food  Stuffs.  —  In 
progressive  schools  children  are  taken  on  excursions 
to  visit  farms  where  produce  is  raised,  factories  where 
it  is  preserved  and  canned,  and  shipping  houses  and 


88  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

freight  depots  through  which  it  is  brought  to  the 
consumer.  Children's  native  curiosity  naturally  leads 
to  their  gaining  information  from  books  concerning 
each  place  visited.  Our  libraries  abound  in  good 
children's  literature  regarding  farm  life  and  the  trans- 
portation industry,  and  interesting  facts  can  be  gained 
in  supplementary  reading  lessons. 

How  to  Develop  Arithmetic  Through  Playing 
Store.  —  Children  in  both  urban  and  rural  com- 
munities have  a  close  acquaintance  with  grocery  stores. 
They  are  sent  there  to  purchase  a  quart  of  this,  and 
a  pint  of  that;  a  peck  of  this,  and  a  bushel  of  that; 
three  of  this,  a  dozen  of  that.  They  know  sonic- 
thing  about  the  qualities  of  the  objects  purchased;  at 
least,  they  can  be  taught  to  be  discriminative  buyers 
and  to  count  their  change  after  paying  for  things. 
In  spontaneous  play  children  often  fail  to  develop 
exactness  in  measuring,  accuracy  in  distinguishing 
good  objects  from  poor  ones,  and  correctness  in 
making  change.  But  where  store  games  are  made 
the  centers  of  correlation  for  arithmetic  work,  chil- 
dren's attention  can  be  directed  toward  these  ends  and 
instruction  can  become  an  integral  part  of  play.  To 
carry  on  such  instruction  the  school  equipment  should 
include  standard  scales  and  measures,  also  a  toy 
currency  system.  Children  can  contribute  other 
necessary  materials.  It  is  easy  to  collect  a  bushel  of 
potatoes,  a  peck  of  apples,  bran,  oatmeal,  or  other 
materials  required  tor  experience  in  weighing.  The 
teacher  or  a  committee  can  have  charge  of  the  care  of 
all  such  materials;  and  a  group  of  children  can  plan 
the  store,  select  its  personnel,  and  simulate  the  social 


PLAYING   STORE  89 

and  economic  background  of  a  real  store.  The 
responsibility  for  correct  weighing  and  measuring 
should  vary  according  to  the  ages  of  the  children. 
Even  children  of  kindergarten  age  can  bear  some 
responsibility  for  counting  and  measuring.  With 
older  children  a  system  of  bookkeeping  can  be  estab- 
lished and  the  pupils  held  strictly  responsible  for  errors 
in  slips  and  entries  in  the  ledger.  Forfeiture  of  the 
right  to  play  a  role  is  usually  sufficient  penalty  for 
carelessness  in  manipulating  money  and  figures;  for 
at  the  ages  when  a  system  of  accounting  can  be  intro- 
duced children  have  so  developed  the  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility that  social  disapproval  is  a  punishment  in 
itself. 

Reading  and  Writing.  —  Many  children  learn  to 
read  by  spontaneous  attention  to  signs  on  grocery 
wagons  or  to  labels  on  boxes.  A  printing  equipment 
makes  it  possible  for  children  to  label  articles  in  their 
stores,  price  them,  and  thus  gradually  associate  objects 
with  their  printed  symbols.  This  can  be  done  even 
in  the  kindergarten,  although  such  material  and  the 
use  of  it  is  more  properly  a  part  of  the  primary  school 
equipment. 

Buying  as  a  Means  of  Learning  About  Sources  of 
Food  Supply.  —  Children  can  learn  a  great  deal  about 
sources  of  food  supply  by  taking  excursions  in  groups 
to  examine  supplies.  With  little  children  the  middle 
man  can  be  dispensed  with.  They  can  make  a  visit 
to  a  farm,  if  they  live  in  an  agricultural  community; 
if  not,  they  can  see  a  community  garden  and  examine 
at  first  hand  the  produce  which  is  being  grown  for  the 
markets.     Where   no  visits  of  this  kind   can   be  ar- 


90  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

ranged,  something  can  be  gained  through  a  study  of 
catalogs.  Many  factories  advertise  their  products 
through  pictures  showing  the  processes  which  food 
undergoes  in  being  transformed  from  a  raw  state  to 
marketable  commodities.  Children  like  to  make 
scrap-books  showing  the  history  of  the  foods  they  use 
on  the  table;  they  acquire  much  information  from 
such  collections  of  pictures. 

Dry-Goods  Store 

Knowledge  Concerning  Textiles  and  Industrial 
Processes  Connected  With  Them.  —  Clothing  repre- 
sents another  vital  interest  in  childhood.  As  the 
elementary  schools  endeavor  to  give  children  some 
knowledge  of  textiles  and  the  processes  involved  in 
transforming  raw  materials  into  clothing  and  house 
furnishings,  so  store  plays  dealing  with  textiles  have 
an  important  function  in  the  industrial  program.  I 
do  not  refer  alone  to  such  plays  as  were  listed  in  the 
examples  of  spontaneous  play,  but  also  to  games  of 
store  in  which  children  share  somewhat  in  the  proc- 
esses through  which  raw  materials  are  changed  into 
usable  commodities.  Children  no  longer  spin  and 
weave  in  the  home,  but  they  can  be  shown  the  essentials 
of  these  processes  through  the  use  of  hand  looms  and 
through  visits  to  factories  where  machine  processes 
are  in  operation.  Let  the  children  collect  linen, 
cotton,  silk,  and  wool  to  use  in  playing  store.  Give 
information  which  is  simple  and  practical  so  that  they 
can  detect  cotton,  wool,  silk,  and  mixed  goods  by 
muscular  and  tactual  tests.  Help  them  to  see  the 
practical  considerations  of  buying  clothing  materials 


PLAYING  STORE       .  9 1 

for  hygienic  and  utilitarian  purposes  as  well  as  for 
attractiveness.  This  can  be  done  by  providing  a  large 
variety  of  samples  to  be  used  in  making  doll  clothes, 
airplane  wings,  and  sails  for  boats. 

Training  in  Arithmetic.  —  Still  other  types  of 
arithmetical  work  enter  into  the  dramatization  of 
dry-goods  stores.  The  children  estimate  the  amount 
of  material  needed  for  dolls'  garments  as  they  measure 
for  curtains  or  rugs  in  a  doll's  house.  Children  acting 
as  clerks  are  expected  to  measure  the  goods  ordered, 
and  to  compute  the  price  of  the  amount  purchased. 
For  equipment  the  school  should  furnish  scissors,  tape 
measures,  thimbles,  wrapping  paper,  etc.,  while  the 
children  should  contribute  pieces  of  linen,  wool,  silk, 
and  cotton  to  be  sold  and  to  be  converted  into  dolls' 
clothes  or  furnishings  for  the  dolls'  house. 

Sense  Training.  —  In  the  same  way  that  children 
playing  grocery  store  are  taught  the  sense-properties 
of  foods  through  observing  and  feeling  these  foods,  so 
in  the  use  of  textiles  they  learn  the  differences  in 
appearance  and  texture  by  testing  with  eyes  and 
hands.  Reports  of  poor  sense  observations  can  be 
eliminated  by  new  sense  experiences.  Gradually  the 
eye  can  be  trained  to  act  for  hand,  or  hand  for  eye. 

Training  in  the  Three  R's.  —  The  relation  of  the 
three  R's  to  store  plays  was  discussed  in  connection 
with  dramatizing  a  grocery  store.  In  playing  dry- 
goods  store  new  systems  of  measuring,  new  combina- 
tions of  figures,  and  new  words  have  to  be  learned 
and  practised,  but  the  methodology  of  instruction 
through  the  spontaneous  use  of  drill  and  memory  work 
is  the  same. 


92  SPONTANEOUS  A.\I)   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Other  Store-Plays 
As  revealed  in  the  records  of  spontaneous  activities, 
children  enjoy  playing  other  types  of  store  than 
grocery  and  clothing  stores;  millinery  shops,  drug 
stores,  bakeries,  five  and  ten  cent  stores,  department 
stoics,  and  hardware  stores  are  among  those  which 
have  the  greatest  appeal.  Besides  the  educational 
possibilities  already  mentioned  in  connection  with 
grocery  and  clothing  stores,  each  type  presents  special 
opportunities.  For  example,  in  millinery  shops  chil- 
dren can  learn  something  of  color  and  of  aesthetic 
values  in  combinations,  besides  gaining  a  crude 
manipulative  skill.  In  playing  drug  store  si »me  simple 
chemical  laws  can  be  taught  through  experimenting 
with  simple  dyes  or  acids  and  through  observing  the 
action  of  these  on  materials.  In  playing  hardware 
store,  something  of  the  processes  necessary  to  produce 
iron,  steel,  and  other  metals  can  be  learned  through 
excursions  to  foundries  or  to  manufacturing  plants. 
In  supervising  the  dramatizing  of  department  store-, 
the  teacher  can  work  for  arrangement  and  classifica- 
tion of  materials.  It  is  true  that  such  arrangement  is 
on  a  strictly  utilitarian  basis,  with  little  regard  for 
form,  shape,  or  color;  but  use  appeals  to  children,  and 
much  information  can  be  picked  up  in  these  first 
efforts  to  classify  on  a  commercial  basis. 


CHAPTER  VI 
Playing  School 

School-Plays  Usually  Depict  Conflicts  with  Author- 
ity. —  In  their  school-plays  children  dramatize  all  the 
new  contacts  the  school  environment  affords;  especi- 
ally is  this  true  where  unpleasant  forms  of  discipline 
have  attracted  attention  to  contrasts  in  behavior. 
It  seems  to  be  a  native  tendency  in  most  of  us  to 
recount  the  human  woes  that  befall  us  in  our  adjust- 
ments to  the  demands  of  group  life.  Even  when  we 
become  so  well  disciplined  that  we  no  longer  expose 
our  personal  struggles  and  achievements  to  the  cold 
glare  of  public  opinion,  we  often  delight  in  a  purely 
imaginary  airing  of  our  wrongs,  and  also  derive  keen 
satisfaction  from  mentally  rehearsing  our  triumphs. 
Children,  on  the  contrary,  are  not  yet  disciplined  to 
test  experiences  in  this  subjective  way.  Their  ideas 
carry  over  almost  immediately  into  overt  action; 
pantomime  and  imitative-dramatic  play  afford  them 
one  means  to  test  the  meaning  of  their  conflicts  with 
society.  And  since  a  large  number  of  their  conflicts 
or  adjustments  come  in  school,  where  instincts  and 
capacities  are  translated  in  social  terms,  it  is  but 
natural  that  school-plays  should  abound  in  examples 
of  misdemeanors  and  mastering  and  submissive  be- 
havior. Children  derive  a  sense  of  satisfaction  from 
dramatizing  the  roles  of  so-called  bad  children  even 
when  they  themselves  have  no  tendencies  actually  to 
commit  such  misdemeanors.     By  so  doing  they  gain 

93 


94  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

some  sort  of  emotional  satisfaction  and  some  intel- 
lectual appraisement  of  facts.  This  tendency  to 
contrast  other  lives  with  our  own  is  not  confined  to 
childhood  and  youth;  it  persists  throughout  life,  and 
seeks  outlets  through  gossip  or  undue  curiosity  con- 
cerning the  personal  details  of  other  persons'  lives,  or, 
on  a  higher  level,  through  fiction  and  the  drama. 

What  Constitutes  the  Appeal  of  School-Plays?  — 
Playing  school  thus  becomes  a  game  in  which  reading, 
writing,  and  arithmetic  are  subsidiary  features.  The 
real  point  of  the  game  is  social  interaction,  in  which 
we  see  vaiious  degrees  of  mastering  and  submissive 
behavior  and  display  with  its  social  results — either 
smiles  and  stares  of  approval  or  scowls  and  expres- 
sions of  scorn  and  disapproval.  Attention-getting 
and  the  display  of  oppositional  force  are  among  the 
keenest  sources  of  satisfaction  such  plays  afford,  as 
the  records  fully  testify. 

Favorite  Roles.  —  Playing  teacher  is  the  favorite 
role  because  it  affords  the  largest  opportunity  for 
display  and  for  such  physical  activities  as  distributing 
papers  and  writing  on  the  board.  Could  teachers 
only  be  present  to  study  their  youthful  imitators, 
they  would  smile  at  the  tricks  of  gesture,  tones  of 
voice,  and  methods  of  discipline  so  facilely  displayed 
to  groups  of  admiring  pupils. 

The  Three  R's.  -  In  the  records  of  spontaneous 
school-plays  the  three  R's  are  seen  to  come  in  for 
their  share  of  attention.  Drawing  and  spelling  lessons 
become  delightful  pastimes  while  self-initiated  mock 
examinations  provoke  much  merriment.  Surely  this 
is  one  example  of  play  as  a  psychological  attitude. 


PLAYING   SCHOOL  95 

Records  of  School-Plays 

i.  School.  Ormsby  Park  Playroom.  —  Four  girls 
about  eight  years  old  seat  themselves  at  a  long,  low 
table  facing  a  blackboard.  A  fifth  girl  is  the  teacher. 
The  teacher  rings  a  bell,  then  cleans  the  blackboard. 
Two  children  come  in  late.  "You  got  to  stay  five 
minutes  after  school,"  says  the  teacher,  pointing  a 
ruler  at  the  late  comers.  She  gives  each  child  a 
paper,  then  writes  on  the  board,  "  Exsmination  in 
Arithmetic."  With  great  hilarity  the  children  set 
about  working  the  problems.  There  are  frequent 
interruptions  as  they  poke  each  other,  crawl  under 
the  table,  or  jump  up  and  down  in  their  chairs.  Of 
course,  they  are  sharply  reproved  by  the  teacher. 
After  about  five  minutes,  she  collects  the  papers  and 
stands  facing  the  pupils.  "One,"  she  says  sternly; 
all  the  children  sit  up  straight.  "Two";  all  stand. 
"Three,"  and  the  children  face  her.  "Now  we'll 
have  our  physical  culture."  The  children  stiffen  and 
appear  attentive.  "One,  two,  three,  four,"  the  teacher 
calls  out,  as  she  extends  her  arms  sideward  four  times. 
Then  she  repeats  the  calls  for  movements  downward 
and  upward.  "Pay  attention!"  she  says  to  a  child 
who  forgets  to  do  this.  "Now  we'll  play  'I  Say'," 
announces  the  teacher.  The  children  relax.  "  I  say 
hands  up,  hands  down."  "There!  I  caught  you." 
The  child  caught  comes  forward  and  becomes  the 
teacher.  And  so  on  through  various  movements  the 
children  follow  different  leaders  with  evident  satis- 
faction. Then  to  the  same  counts,  one,  two,  and  three, 
the  children  turn,  march,  and  sit  down  in  their  seats. 


96  SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

"  Now  we'll  make  something,"  says  the  teacher.  She 
gives  each  child  a  sheet  of  paper  and  colored  crayon. 
Then,  looking  very  important,  she  steps  to  the  hoard 
and  draws  a  tree,  using  quick,  broad  strokes.  But  the 
children  are  busy  coloring  their  sheets  of  paper. 
Only  when  each  child  has  succeeded  in  making  a 
bright  surface  does  he  turn  to  the  board  and  imitate 
the  drawing  of  a  tree.  All  this  time  a  supervisor  of 
writing  stands  anxiously  outside,  waiting  her  turn. 
At  last  she  rebels  at  being  kept  waiting  so  long,  stalks 
angrily  into  the  school,  and  takes  possession  of  the 
board.  The  teacher  deliberately  collects  the  papers. 
2.  School,  House,  and  Cowboy.  Lawrence  Park 
Playroom.  —  Some  of  the  girls  have  houses;  they  are 
mothers  working  at  home.  Others  are  children 
going  to  school.  At  school  they  sing,  draw,  cut,  and 
take  physical  exercises.  When  school  is  out  they  go 
homv  for  dinner,  which  is  prepared  by  their  mothers. 
Soon  the  bell  rings  and  they  return  to  school.  At 
recess  they  play  games.  The  parents  then  come  to 
visit  the  school  and  inquire  how  the  children  are 
doing.  By  and  by  the  doctor  comes  and  examines 
each  child.  A  group  of  boys  are  playing  cowboy 
near  by.  They  have  stacked  chairs  to  represent 
houses.  These  boys  look  with  interest  at  the  school 
play.  Some  of  them  gallop  over  to  the  school  on 
imaginary  horses  and  make  the  school  children  a  visit. 


CHAPTER  VII 
Hunting  Plays 

Hunting  as  Related  to  Food-getting.  —  Thorndike 
lists  hunting  among  food-getting  protective  responses, 
and  says:  "The  presence  of  this  tendency  in  man's 
nature  under  the  conditions  of  civilized  life  gets  him 
little  food  and  much  trouble.  *  *  *  Teaching, 
bullying,  cruelty  are  thus  in  part  the  results  of  one  of 
nature's  means  of  providing  self  and  family  with  food ; 
and  what  grew  up  as  a  pillar  of  human  self-support 
has  become  so  extravagant  a  luxury  as  to  be  almost  a 
vice.   1 

Persistence  of  the  Hunting  Response  in  Modern 
Life.  —  In  speaking  of  the  persistence  of  the  hunting 
response,  Thorndike  says:  "  For  example,  the  readiness 
of  the  hunting  response  persists  even  in  spite  of  the 
inadequate  stimuli  and  absence  of  rewards  of  a  modern 
village  or  town,  so  that,  if  habitual  restraints  are 
removed,  men  will  gladly  leave  their  work  to  chase  an 
escaped  cat.  They  will,  with  slight  encouragement, 
undergo  notable  privations  and  expense  to  spend  a  few 
days  in  tracking  game  and  possessing  themselves  of 
animal  carcasses  got  by  so  near  an  approach  as  is 
possible  to  man's  original  naked-handed  pursuit."2 

The  Culture-epoch  Theory  Applied  to  Hunting 
Plays.  —  Many  teachers  attempt  to  apply  the  culture- 

1  E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  I,  p.  53. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  267. 


98  SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

epoch  theory.  They  approach  the  formal  subjects  of 
the  school  through  the  epoch  of  culture  in  which 
children  are  supposedly  living.  For  example,  at  a 
certain  time  children's  minds  are  filled  by  teachers 
with  literary  and  institutional  products  of  the  hunting 
epoch.  Likewise  children  are  encouraged  to  make 
implements  used  in  the  hunt.  Modern  psychologists 
regard  the  effort  to  postulate  more  than  a  general  cor- 
respondence between  the  development  of  the  child 
and  that  of  the  race  as  unscientific  procedure.  They 
consider  that  children  like  stories  of  Hiawatha  and 
other  boys  living  in  a  hunting  epoch  only  because  the 
life  described  is  simple  and  attractive.  That  children 
are  as  interested  in  the  hunting  exploits  of  modern 
soldiers  was  evidenced  during  the  late  war.  Children 
like  stories  and  games  of  any  kind  dealing  with 
hunting,  flight,  and  pursuit.  It  is  not  necessary  that 
the  stories  or  experiences  should  exist  as  a  part  of 
racial  inheritance  to  be  attractive. 

Playful  Manifestations  of  the  Hunting  Instinct. 
Children's  play  abounds  in  examples  of  spontaneous 
flight  and  pursuit.  The  baby  pursues  his  mother 
with  outstretched  arms,  and  hides  his  face  in  her  lap 
when  hi'  is  captured  and  held.  Children  seldom  lose 
an  opportunity  to  chase  small  escaping  creatures, 
birds  or  butterflies,  field  mice,  or  fleeing  cats  and 
timid  dogs.  Entirely  apart  from  training,  they  show 
a  tendency  to  pounce  upon  and  grasp  these  resisting 
creatures,  exhibiting  annoyance  if  they  lo>e  a  catch 
.mil  lunce  tail  to  investigate  the  nature  of  the  escaping 
object.  Some  children  are  not  satisfied  to  examine 
their  prey,  but  torment  and  tease  until  disciplined  for 


HUNTING  PLAYS 


99 


Camp  Quanset,  South  Orleans,  Mass. 

The  Passing  of  the  Quanset  Tribe  (Indian  Pageant) 

cruelty.  In  rural  communities  with  what  patience 
the  young  archer  perfects  his  shot  and  tirelessly 
pursues  his  game,  bringing  down  birds  and  small 
animals  with  his  missiles!  Children  seldom  care  for 
the  birds'  eggs  they  plunder,  the  fish  they  strive  so 
hard  to  catch,  the  bettles  and  bugs  they  collect  and 
sometimes  dismember.  They  do,  however,  show  a 
tendency  to  exhibit  their  treasures  to  some  approving 
person.  When  the  hunting  responses  are  called 
forth  by  human  beings  we  have  the  pursuit,  capture, 
and  holding  of  the  victim,  with  either  teasing  and 
bullying  as  the  result,  or  fighting  if  the  one  pursued 
is  ready  to  defend  himself. 

Many  hunting  activities  are  carried  on  in  groups  or 
gangs.  In  some  of  our  large  cities  every  corner  has  its 
young  with  a  plan  of  defiance  of  law  and  order,  its 


IOO        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

group  rules  for  the  hum.     And  woe  to  the  coward  or 
hero  who  defies  the  law  of  the  pack! 

Predatory  Organizations  Among  Gangs.  Sheldon 
found  034  different  societies  or  clubs  among  ii.v» 
boys,  and  911  societies  to  which  I  145  girls  belonged. 
Puffer  says  that  three  out  of  every  tour  boys  belong  to 
a  gang.  Sheldon's  study  of  the  institutional  activities 
of  American  children  shows  that  the  typical  plays  of 
boys  of  twelve  years  include  robbers,  clubs  for  hunting 
and  fishing,  play  armies,  and  organized  fighting  bands 
between  separate  districts.  The  progression  in  this 
interest  is  shown  by  the  following  table,  as  is  also  the 
fact  that  such  plays  seem  to  culminate  from  eleven  to 
fifteen  years  of  age.1 

Table  No.  i 


Age 

8 

9 

10 

1 1 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

Total 

Number  of  pred- 
atory societies 

4 

4 

5 
2 

3 

17 

0 
.31 

7 
18 

1 

1 
1  1 

3 

7 

1 
1 

0 
0 

Girls,  25 
Boys,  1 13 

Something  Difficult  and  Dangerous  to  Do. 
"Something  difficult  and  dangerous.  That  I  think  is 
the  first  requisite  in  boy  life.  Whether  or  not  the 
thing  accomplished  shall  also  be  lawless  is  a  matter 
upon  which  the  boy  will  show  a  laudable  catholicity  of 
taste.  *  *  *  A.s  to  the  precise  form  <>t  diffi- 
culty and  danger  required,  that  is  a  secondary  con- 
sideration. Certain  preferences,  nevertheless,  are 
constant    and    of   great    ^niticance.     In    almost    all 

1  H.    1).   Sheldon:   "The    tnstitutiona]    Activities  of  American 
Children."  American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  425-48. 


HUNTING   PLAYS  101 

children's  games  after  the  age  of  six,  there  is  either  the 
element  of  hiding  and  finding,  flight  and  pursuit,  or 
that  of  contest.  After  the  age  of  eleven  or  there- 
abouts, there  is  predominant  in  the  most  important 
boys' games  the  element  of  team  play. "  *  *  *  And 
again,  "The  sort  of  life  toward  which  the  boy  is  aimed 
is  evidently  a  mixture  of  hunting,  of  individual 
rivalry,  and  of  tribal  war.  *  *  *  Taking  all  the 
evidence  together,  I  think  the  genius  of  boyhood  and 
adolescence  centers  somewhere  on  or  near  the  raid  — 
in  some  combination  of  stalking,  chasing,  absconding, 
all  united  in  the  form  of  team  play  against  another 
gang  -  -  those  other  fellows  *  *  *  whom  one 
can  also  threaten,  harry,  and  despise,  with  much 
opportunity  for  intertribal  wit  and  repartee."1 

Many  Hide-and-Seek  Games  Involve  the  Hunting 
Responses. —  It  remains  to  discuss  the  part  played  by 
the  hunting  instinct  in  more  formal  games  involving 
chase,  flight,  and  hiding.  Hide  and  seek  is  played 
by  children  the  world  over.  The  playful  infant  hides 
his  face  against  his  mother's  arm  in  order  to  get  a 
sense  of  alienation  and  return,  and  children  play 
hide  and  seek  games  in  rural  communities  or  in 
crowded  city  streets.  In  many  chasing  games  such 
as  in  Fox  Chasing  and  in  Hare  and  Hounds, 
certain  handicaps  placed  upon  the  chasers  protect 
the  fugitive  and  give  point  to  the  game.  Com- 
plexity is  added  to  certain  games  by  the  invention 
of  safety  zones;  that  is,  the  pursued  is  safe  when 
touching  wood  or  a  goal,  by  squatting,  or   the  like. 

!J.  E.  Lee:  "Play  as  an  Antidote  to  Civilization,"   The  Play- 
ground, Vol.  V,  p.  no. 


102        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Organized  ball  games  partake  of  the  nature  of  the 
hunt  in  that  there  is  attempted  mastery  over  an 
escaping  object.  Baseball,  football,  and  cricket  can  be 
utilized  to  afford  social  situations  in  which  the  hunting 
responses  are  trained  and  organized  for  social  group 
purposes.  These  games  are  sometimes  classed  as 
hunting  plays,  although  they  show  more  of  the 
characteristics  of  fighting  plays.  A  wide  range  of 
children's  games  involves  hunting  for  hidden  ob- 
jects; such  games  are  Button,  Button  and  Hide  the 
Thimble.  A  large  number  represent  a  chase  for  the 
possession  of  a  vacant  chair  or  a  vacant  place  in  the 
ring;  such  games  are  Going  to  Jerusalem,  Stage 
Coach,  and  Flower  Basket. 

The  Educational  Significance  of  Hunting  Plays.  - 
This  collection  of  spontaneous  plays  contains  a  goodly 
proportion  of  hunting  plays.  Hunting  plays  are 
found  in  the  repertoire  of  children's  play  the  world 
over  because  the  hunting  responses  are  ingrained  in 
original  nature.  Hunting  plays  persist  throughout 
childhood  and  the  pre-adolescent  period  because  they 
function  in  the  organization  of  impulses,  instincts, 
and  habits.  They  provide  an  outlet  for  vigorous 
activity  and  give  opportunities  for  the  gregarious 
tendencies,  for  mastering  behavior,  for  cooperation, 
ingenuity,  strategy,  and  leadership.  It  depends  upon 
supervision  whether  these  plays  degenerate  into  teasing 
and  bullying  contests  in  which  oppression  of  the  weak 
and  defiance  of  law  and  order  become  the  rules  of  the 
game,  or  whether  kindness,  a  sense  of  justice,  and  fair 
play  are  evolved  as  means  of  control.  Under  wise 
supervision,   such  as  the   Boy  Scouts'  and  Campfire 


HUNTING   PLAYS  103 

Girls'  organizations  afford,  we  see  the  normal  use  of 
the  hunting  instinct.  The  records  of  these  organiza- 
tions show  that  our  American  youths  are  as  willing  to 
undertake  difficult  and  hazardous  undertakings  for 
the  benefit  of  society  as  to  play  bandits  and  robbers. 

The  Hunting  Type  of  Mind  in  Relation  to  the 
Drama. —  The  following  quotation  shows  the  possible 
relation  of  the  hunting  type  of  mind  to  art.  "The 
interest  of  the  game,  the  alternate  suspense  and  move- 
ment, the  strained  and  alert  attention  to  stimuli, 
always  changing,  always  demanding  graceful,  prompt, 
strategic,  and  forceful  response;  the  play  of  emotions 
along  the  scale  of  want,  effort,  success,  or  failure  — 
this  is  the  very  type,  psychologically  speaking,  of  the 
drama.  The  breathless  interest  with  which  we  hang 
upon  the  movements  of  play  or  novel  are  reflexes  of 
the  mental  attitudes  evoked  in  the  hunting  vocation."1 

Cowboy  and  Indian  Plays  Involve  Hunting  Re- 
sponses. —  Both  Indian  and  cowboy  plays  include 
hunting  responses.  The  dramatization  of  Indians 
appeals  to  children  chiefly  because  of  the  human  inter- 
est their  lives  and  characters  afford.  Indians  rep- 
resent vigorous,  active  types  of  persons  who  react  to 
environment  on  a  level  the  child  can  understand.  A 
child  of  six  years  likes  to  imitate  Indian  children  riding 
their  ponies  and  learning  to  shoot  with  crude  bows  and 
arrows.  He  enjoys  building  imaginary  fires,  cooking 
food,  and  caring  for  the  Indian  papooses.  Gradually 
his  interest  shifts  to  more  adventurous  sports  and 
activities.     With  children  from  seven  to  nine  or  ten 

1  J.  Dewey:  "Interpretation  of  the  Savage  Mind,"  Psycholog- 
ical Review,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  217-230. 


104        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 


Playing  Indian 

years  of  age  hunting  becomes  a  game  involving  compe- 
tition in  play  marksmanship.  The  child  imitates 
Indians  pursuing  and  capturing  wild  animals.  About 
the  same  age  interest  in  const  ruction  is  high;  building 
wigwams,  laying  campfires,  and  making  crude  suits 
out  of  paper  or  cloth  arc  keenly  enjoyed.  As  soon  as 
the  historical  interest  begins  to  develop  children 
like  to  read  stories  of  Indian  wars  and  often  spend 
hours  at  a  time  dramatizing  the  thrilling  tales  of 
adventure  found  in  both  history  and  fiction. 

Cowboy  Plays.  -The  cowboy  interest  is  less  vital, 
but  still  runs  high  with  boys  from  six  to  nine  years. 
The  preference  for  stories  of  frontier  life  and  for 
moving-picture  shows  depicting  thrilling  adventures 
of  cowboys  testifies  to  this  interest.  The  manufacture 
and  sale  of  cowboy  suits  for  children  has  become  a 
profitable  industry.     The  cowboy  appeals  chiefly  to 


HUNTING   PLAYS  1 05 

the  growing  boy  because  the  boy  loves  adventure  and 
because  cowboy  stories  tell  of  things  that  are  difficult 
and  dangerous  to  do. 

Records  of  Hunting  Plays 

1.  White  Men  and  Indians.     Washington  Park.  — 

The  children  play  they  are  white  men  hunting  in  an 
Indian  forest.  An  Indian  brave  sees  them  and  reports 
the  news  to  the  chief,  who  summons  all  his  braves. 
After  much  gesturing  the  braves  mount  their  horses 
and  gallop  off  in  wild  pursuit  of  the  intruders,  captur- 
ing all  the  white  men.  The  Indians  then  dance 
around  their  captives,  exhibiting  in  their  dance  the 
movements  of  the  hunt. 

This  dance  was  most  interesting  because  constructed  from  spon- 
taneous movements  interpreting  the  children's  own  conception  of 
the  hunt.  Of  course,  Indian  pictures  and  music  were  supplied  as  an 
incentive. 

2.  Little    Red    Feather.     Lawrence    Park.  —  An 

Indian  camp  is  constructed.  The  children  select 
braves  and  squaws  to  live  in  the  camp.  A  small 
child  is  named  Little  Red  Feather  after  a  hero  in  a 
story.  The  braves  tell  Little  Red  Feather  to  ride 
off  to  the  woods  on  his  pony;  then  they  depart  for  the 
hunt.  When  they  return  from  the  hunt  and  sit  down 
to  a  meal  prepared  by  the  squaws,  they  discover  that 
Little  Red  Feather  is  not  among  them.  The  braves 
jump  up  and  ride  away  on  their  horses.  The  search 
proves  vain  and  the  braves  ride  back  to  camp,  shaking 
their  heads  at  the  anxious  squaws,  who  stand  outside 
the  wigwams  shading  their  eyes  as  they  gaze  far  off  in 
the  distance.     The  chief  then  points  to  the  cowboy 


106        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

ranch.  All  the  braves  ride  off  in  that  direction.  On 
the  way  they  meet  and  capture  a  group  of  cowboys; 
not  finding  Little  Red  Feather  with  these  cowboys, 
they  release  the  cowboys  and  ask  their  aid  in  the 
search.  All  ride  off  in  different  directions.  At 
last  little  Red  Feather,  fast  asleep  under  a  tree,  is 
found  by  one  of  the  cowboys  and  is  brought  back  to 
the  Indian  camp.  With  loud  shouts  the  Indians  place 
Little  Red  Feather  in  their  midst.  Both  the  cow- 
boys and  the  Indian  braves  dance  merrily  around 
him  while  the  squaws  hop  up  and  down  near  by, 
grunting  their  satisfaction  as  they  dance. 

In  plays  of  this  type  note  the  enjoyment  of  flight  and  pursuit,  of 
imitation  of  the  outward  symbols  of  Indian  dress  and  life,  of  manipu- 
lative activities,  and,  most  of  all,  of  large,  free,  unrestricted  move- 
ment. 

A  Pilgrim  Thanksgiving.  Lawrence  Park.  —  About 
Thanksgiving  time  when  the  play  leader  told  stories 
about  the  Indians  she  found  that  the  children  associ- 
ated Indians  chiefly  with  cowboys.  Gradually,  how- 
ever, as  the  result  of  listening  to  stories,  the  children 
began  to  take  interest  in  historic  events  and  to 
dramatize  scenes  connected  with  these  events.  One 
day  they  made  Indian  caps;  later  the  interest  in 
Pilgrims  led  to  the  making  of  Quaker  caps.  Both 
Pilgrims  and  Indians  hunted  and  cooked  food. 
Girls  and  boys  played  these  roles;  some  were  Indian 
squaws,  others  Indian  braves,  and  still  others  were 
Pilgrims — men,  women,  and  children.  One  day  a 
Pilgrim  went  to  an  Indian's  tent.  The  Indian  gave 
him  food  while  all  the  braves  danced  their  hunting 


HUNTING   PLAYS  107 

dance.  Each  day  something  new  was  added  to  the 
play  until  the  following  plot  grew  up: 

Event  I.  Indian  camp.  Braves  and  squaws  are 
seated  around  the  fire;  the  squaws  are  making  baskets; 
the  braves  are  smoking  pipes;  the  Indian  chief  walks 
up  and  down. 

Event  II.  Pilgrim  home.  Mother  and  children  sit 
down  to  a  table  but  find  no  food. 

Event  III.  Indian  camp.  The  chief  drops  his  ear 
to  the  ground.  He  hears  the  sound  of  deer  and 
makes  a  sign  to  his  braves,  who  jump  up  and  down  for 
joy.  All  get  bows  and  arrows  and  run  to  the  woods. 
Soon  they  return,  place  the  captured  deer  on  the 
ground,  and  perform  a  dance  around  it  to  show  their 
satisfaction.  After  this  ceremony,  the  squaws  cook 
the  deer  and  partake  of  the  meat.  One  of  the  braves 
steals  away  to  the  Pilgrims'  home,  carrying  some  corn 
he  hopes  to  trade  for  trinkets.  When  he  finds  the 
Pilgrims  have  nothing  to  eat  he  goes  back  and  tells 
his  chief.  All  the  braves  go  over  with  the  remains  of 
their  deer.  The  Pilgrims  rejoice  and  invite  their 
neighbors  in  for  a  feast. 

Event  IV.  Pilgrim  home.  The  Indians  come  over 
with  corn  and  show  the  Pilgrims  how  to  plant.  The 
little  children  work  with  their  mothers  and  fathers. 

4.  Robinson  Crusoe :  A  Play  of  Adventure.  Law- 
rence Park  Playroom.  —  In  the  playroom  hung  a 
picture  of  Robinson  Crusoe  and  his  man  Friday.  One 
seven-year-old  boy  noticed  the  picture  and  began  to 
talk  about  it.  It  seemed  he  had  heard  the  story  at 
school.  This  boy  said  to  his  companion,  "You  be 
Friday,    and    I'll    be    Robinson    Crusoe."     Then,    to 


108        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

himself,  "First,  I'll  need  a  boat."  He  thought  a 
while,  then  turned  a  table  upside  down  to  represent 
the  boat  and  found  two  brooms  for  oars.  He  dis- 
covered he  could  make  the  boat  rock  by  pushing  his 
feet  against  the  table  legs.  After  a  while  he  jumped 
on  to  a  raft  (a  large  piece  of  cardboard)  and  floated  to 
the  shore.  Here  he  built  a  fire  (selecting  a  gas  grate 
for  the  fire)  and  put  up  a  cloth  tent.  Soon  he  found 
footprints  and  followed  the  imaginary  tracks  carefully 
until  he  discovered  Friday,  whom  he  brought  back  to 
the  tent.  Both  went  fishing  and  shooting.  They 
brought  home  fish  and  wild  animals;  they  skinned  the 
animals  and  cooked  the  food. 

This  play  lasted  four  days.  Both  boys  loved  adventure. 
Robinson  Crusoe  was  the  same  child  who  played  he  was  George 
Washington  cutting  down  the  cherry  tree,  in  one  of  the  house-plays 
previously  recorded.  The  author  includes  this  play  under  Cowboy 
and  Indian  Plays  because  it  appeals  to  the  love  of  adventure  and 
involves  chasing  and  hunting  activities. 

5.  House  and  Robbers.  Andrews  School.  —  One 
rainy  day  the  children  were  playing  in  the  hall.  Four 
girls  had  built  houses,  outlining  rooms  with  blocks. 
The  houses  contained  porches  and  rooms  of  various 
sizes;  in  one  a  telephone  was  installed.  The  dolls 
living  in  these  houses  visited  each  other  and  went  to 
market.  A  group  of  boys  began  to  tease  the  girls  and 
annoyed  them  so  much  that  the  girls'  play  was  broken 
up.  The  boys  were  dramatizing  burglars.  One  boy 
said  he  was  a  policeman;  the  other  boys  said  they  were 
the  burglars,  and  would  give  the  policeman  a  chase. 
The  girls,  seeing  their  chances  tor  house  play  thwarted, 
now  entered  into  the  boys'  play.     It  was  supposed  to 


HUNTING  PLAYS  1 09 

be  night ;  some  of  the  girls  went  to  bed ;  others  started 
away  for  a  visit,  but  came  home  unexpectedly  in 
order  to  chase  the  robbers.  Sometimes  they  caught 
the  robbers,  sometimes  not.  They  always  telephoned 
the  police,  who  usually  caught  the  robbers  and  took 
them  to  court.  One  boy  acted  as  the  judge  and 
decided  what  to  do  with  the  prisoners. 

Is  not  this  an  example  of  how  teasing  often  originates  in  boys' 
love  of  adventure?  The  boys  teased  the  girls  because  there  was 
nothing  else  for  them  to  do;  it  was  raining  and  all  the  children  were 
crowded  into  a  narrow  space  in  the  main  hall  of  the  schoolhouse. 
The  instant  a  boy  suggested  dramatizing  a  policeman  the  idea  of 
robbers  sprang  up.  This  play  appealed  because  it  gave  them  a 
game  of  chance  and  hazard,  involving  chasing,  hiding,  and  catching, 
with  a  dramatic  courthouse  scene  at  the  close.  Observe  how  easy 
it  was  for  the  play  leader  to  turn  this  love  of  adventure  into  a 
better  channel  in  the  Boston  Tea  Party  play,  which  is  next  de- 
scribed. 

The  Boston  Tea  Party.  Andrews  School  Play- 
ground. —  The  same  boys  who  had  been  robbers  and 
policemen  began  to  build  forts  out  of  some  blocks  left 
by  the  girls.  The  play  leader  suggested  that  the 
group  dramatize  the  Boston  Tea  Party.  Most  of 
the  boys  seemed  to  know  the  story  fairly  well.  Find- 
ing a  large  box  for  a  boat,  they  rowed  it  over  to  the 
American  fort.  The  captain  of  the  British  boat, 
accompanied  by  soldiers,  came  to  the  American  fort 
with  a  written  message  telling  about  the  tax  on  tea. 
The  Americans  tore  up  this  note.  The  British  re- 
turned to  their  boat.  That  night  the  Americans  held 
a  meeting;  they  dressed  up  as  Indians  and  while  the 
British  slept  they  dumped  the  tea  overboard.  When 
the  British  found  out  that  the  tea  had  been  thrown 


IIO        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

out,  they  started  a  battle.     The  Americans  won  and 
had  a  parade. 

Both  House  and  Robbers  and  the  Boston  Tea  Party  belong  to 
the  type  of  plays  included  under  Cowboys  and  Indians;  they  appeal 
to  love  of  adventure. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Fighting  Plays 

The  Fighting  Instinct.  —  During  the  World  War 
much  was  said  and  written  concerning  the  fighting 
instinct;  current  educational  beliefs  were  assailed  by 
contending  theorists  and  a  clearer  formulation  of  some 
of  the  psychological  aspects  of  the  fighting  instinct 
was  the  result.  Several  of  these  viewpoints  will  be 
touched  upon  in  our  discussion  of  the  individual  and 
group  aspects  of  pugnaciousness.  The  fighting  in- 
stinct is  a  secondary  instinct  in  that  it  presupposes  the 
presence  of  other  instincts.  McDougall  assumes  that 
the  general  tendency  to  angry  behavior  of  some  sort 
at  the  persistent  thwarting  of  any  instinctive  response 
is  an  original  tendency;  in  the  main  Kirkpatrick  and 
Thorndike  also  agree  with  this  view.  Many  instincts, 
very  different  in  character,  if  thwarted  in  their  natural 
expression  give  rise  to  the  fighting  responses.  Thus 
we  see  babies  push  and  scream  when  held  tightly 
because  the  instinct  for  physical  activity  is  thwarted; 
children  giving  rein  to  the  hunting  instinct,  chasing  a 
dog  or  a  fleeing  comrade,  show  irritation  and  exhibit 
fighting  movements  if  checked  in  the  course  of  their 
chase;  boys  or  girls  interested  in  collecting  chafe  if 
their  treasures  are  despoiled,  while  the  thwarting  of 
other  instincts,  such  as  self-display,  mastery,  and  sex, 
also  leads  to  fighting  responses. 

Discarded  is  the  viewpoint  which  considers  fighting 
as  a  single  instinct,  aroused  and  called  into  action  by 
fairly  definite  and  well  recognized  situations.     Experi- 

iii 


112        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

mental  studies  of  the  fighting  instinct  have  shown  it 
to  consist  of  a  large  number  of  specific  responses 
involving  personal  encounter  in  the  form  of  scuffling, 
crowding,  pushing,  wrestling,  and  the  like,  accom- 
panied by  temper  and  anger.  Fighting  plays  are 
thus  seen  to  be  difficult  to  analyze  on  account  of  their 
complexity  and  the  variety  of  situations  in  which  they 
occur. 

The  Evolution  of  Pugnacious  Behavior.  Before  a 
child  has  passed  the  hrst  year  most  parents  have 
observed  signs  of  the  fighting  instinct.  In  tracing 
the  appearances  and  development  of  the  fighting  re- 
sponses we  notice',  it  we  observe  carefully,  that  children 
of  three  years  do  not  fight  with  their  playmates  or 
exhibit  fighting  movements  when  in  opposition  to 
adults  from  the  sheer  joy  of  the  combat,  but  because 
some  instinctive  activity  is  thwarted,  or  because  they 
need  to  redress  an  injury.  From  the  third  year 
onward  there  is  rapid  growth  in  the  tendency  to  coin- 
bat  anyone  who  occasions  discomfort,  or  thwarts 
cherished  rights  and  wishes.  A  mother  often  meets 
resistance  when  she  attempts  to  put  a  child  to  bed; 
likewise  her  efforts  to  withdraw  objects  which  incite 
her  child's  curiosity  sometimes  occasion  tits  of  temper 
or  fighting.  If  a  boy  is  hit  by  another  boy  he  instantly 
hits  back,  unless  the  motor  response  is  inhibited  by 
fear  or  will  power.  Until  approaching  adolescence 
he  prefers  to  settle  difficulties  in  a  direct  physical  way. 
Might  is  right  until  a  new  code  of  settling  disputes  is 
agreed  upon  by  the  group. 

Toleration     and     Justice     Originate     in     Force. 
Adults  show  a  regrettable  lack  of  understanding  of 


FIGHTING   PLAYS  113 

children's  combative  behavior  from  the  first  immediate 
physical  responses  of  this  kind  to  the  later  reasoned 
intellectual  and  moral  acts  which  take  permanent  root 
in  habit  and  character.  Usually  both  boys  and  girls 
are  forbidden  to  fight,  and  are  severely  punished  if 
they  do  so.  But  the  instinct  is  so  strong  that  many 
boys  and  girls  either  fight  without  thinking  of  conse- 
quences or  look  the  punishment  full  in  the  face  and 
fight  anyhow.  Punishment  seldom  eradicates  the 
tendency  to  fight,  except  in  the  cases  where  children 
have  weak  wills  and  can  easily  be  coerced.  Parents 
seem  to  loose  sight  of  the  fact  that  toleration  and 
justice  originate  in  force,  and  have  a  permanent  basis 
in  force,  not  in  moral  feeling  or  in  the  conscious 
calculation  of  what  is  best  from  the  standpoint  of 
expediency. 

The  Sociological  Significance  of  Combativeness.  — 
McDougall  says:  "The  instinct  of  pugnacity  has 
played  a  part  second  to  none  in  the  evolution  of  social 
organization,  and  in  the  present  age  it  operates  more 
powerfully  than  any  other  in  producing  demonstrations 
of  collective  emotions  and  action  on  a  great  scale."1 
A  prominent  authority  on  the  psychology  of  childhood 
says:  "The  trouble  with  parents  and  teachers  often  is 
that  they  want  to  omit  the  first  crude  stage  of  the 
tendency  and  come  at  once  to  its  higher  levels;  but  on 
logical  grounds  alone  it  is  hard  to  see  how,  if  a  boy 
has  been  required  to  inhibit  such  pugnacious  ten- 
dencies on  the  physical  level,  he  can  later  on  fight  for 
country  or  friends  or  principles.  He  has  not  known 
what  it  means,  when  thwarted,  to  stand  for  his  wishes 

1  W.  McDougall:  Social  Psychology,  p.  279. 


114        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

and  rights;  he  has  not  known  the  sweets  of  success 
or  the  shame  of  defeat;  he  has  not  known  what  it 
means  to  suffer  for  the  sake  of  gaining  something  that 
seems  worth  while.  The  door  has  been  shut  on  all 
this  opportunity  when  first  the  instinct  was  strong; 
how  then  can  we  expect  him  later  on  to  fight  his 
difficulties,  take  his  stand  for  the  right,  to  suffer  for  it 
if  need  be?"  ' 

Ellwood  says  that  the  view  is  erroneous  which  holds 
that  the  instinct  of  pugnacity  in  man  must  have  been 
stronger  in  primitive  life  than  now,  and  adds:  "It  is 
not  improbable,  therefore,  that  in  the  whole  course  of 
human  evolution  the  fighting  instinct  has  greatly 
increased  in  strength."  He  gives  the  following  sug- 
gestions in  regard  to  the  scope  and  use  of  the  fighting 
instinct:  "Whether  or  not  the  fighting  instinct 
needs  to  be  exercised  against  human  beings  in  order 
to  maintain  it  at  normal  strength  is  an  open  question. 
There  seems  to  be  but  little  danger  of  the  fighting 
instinct  in  any  race  dying  out,  and  the  more  reasonable 
view  is  that  its  legitimate  exercise  in  civilized  society 
is  in  combating  the  moral  and  social  evils  which 
prevent  humanity  from  realizing  its  ideals,  rather  than 
in  actual  physical  conflict  between  individuals  and 
groups  of  individuals."-  McDougall  stresses  the 
part  pugnacity  has  played  in  the  evolution  of  social 
organization.     He    emphasizes    the    use   of   collective 

1  X.  Xorsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Child- 
hood, p.  56. 

2  C.  A.  Ellwood:  Sociology  in  lis  Psychological  Aspects,  pp. 
217-18. 


FIGHTING  PLAYS  115 

combat  in  communities  and  the  more  refined  forms  of 
combat  within  communities.1 

George  E.  Johnson  believes  in  organized  training 
for  combative  activities.  "What  this  pugnacity 
needs  now,"  he  says,  "is  to  be  directed,  to  be  enlight- 
ened, to  be  tempered  with  the  will  to  endure  so  that 
consecrated  to  some  ideal  it  will  know  no  yielding 
power  while  life  remains."2 

Should  Girls  Engage  in  Fighting  Plays?  —  Although 
the  fighting  instinct  is  stronger  in  boys  than  in  girls, 
it  is  present  in  both  sexes  and  needs  exercise.  If  this 
instinct  has  proved  as  valuable  in  race  development 
as  some  sociologists  would  have  us  believe,  it  seems  a 
lamentable  lack  of  foresight  to  leave  our  girls  out  of 
calculation  in  planning  for  training  the  combative 
instinct.  There  is  no  reason  why  women  should  be 
patient  and  long-suffering  in  the  face  of  opposition, 
why  they  should  train  themselves  to  be  subordinate 
in  matters  other  than  those  demanded  for  group 
welfare.  One  psychologist  throws  out  the  query: 
"  Is  it  possible  women  would  not  be  so  open  to  the 
criticism  of  being  'lacking  in  honor,'  of  'not  under- 
standing fair  play,'  or  of  being  sneaky  and  under- 
handed if  this  tendency  had  received  proper  treatment 
in  childhood?"3 

Educational  Procedure  in  Using  the  Instinct  of 
Combativeness.  —  If    the    foregoing    discussion    has 

1  W.  McDougall:  Social  Psychology,  p.  279. 

2  G.  E.  Johnson:  "Play  as  Moral  Equivalent  of  War,"  The  Play- 
ground, July,  191 2. 

3  N.  Norsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Child- 
hood, p.  56. 


Il6        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

accomplished  what  the  writer  had  in  mind,  it  has 
pointed  toward  the  conclusion  that  the  fighting 
responses  are  so  intimate  a  part  of  our  original 
equipment  that  it  is  impossible  to  eradicate  them. 
Substitution  is  the  only  course.  This  does  not  mean, 
however,  that  we  commit  ourselves  to  the  viewpoint 
heard  so  often  in  connection  with  criticism  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  namely,  that  fighting  is  so  deeply 
implanted  in  original  nature  that  we  can  never  settle 
disputes  by  arbitration.  Even  the  biologist  admits 
the  fact  that  human  nature  can  be  changed  to  a  certain 
extent.  That  is,  situations  can  be  so  altered  that 
original  tendencies  to  action  have  no  chance  to 
function  harmfully. 

A  practical  consideration  of  educational  procedure 
in  working  with  combative  behavior  would  be  some- 
what as  follows: 

On  the  physical  plane  we  should  endeavor  to  avoid 
as  far  as  possible  situations  which  bring  undesirable 
fighting  responses.  Likewise  we  should  refuse  to 
eliminate  situations  in  which  fighting  can  be  used  to 
teach  fair  play,  protection  of  others'  rights,  and  the 
substitution  of  unselfish  aims  for  personal  gain. 
We  should  eliminate  the  bullying  and  teasing  of  those 
who  are  unable  to  resist.  Where  teasing  is  between 
equals  it  has  some  value  in  that  it  develops  resource- 
fulness and  enables  the  child  teased  to  set  up  barriers 
of  defense.  All  plays  involving  personal  encounter 
should  proceed  according  to  rules,  but  so  far  as  is 
possible,  the  children  or  the  group  involved  should  feel 
the  necessity  and  urgency  of  the  rules.  Self-control 
and  inhibition  should  be  demanded  and  enforced. 


FIGHTING  PLAYS  117 

On  the  intellectual  plane  we  must  recognize  the 
value  of  oppositional  force.  The  impulse  to  opposi- 
tion should  not  be  regarded  as  an  undesirable  quality 
or  disposition  of  mind.  It  is  a  valuable  asset  in 
modern  life.  Rivalry  or  opposition  in  connection 
with  the  imitative  impulse  is  the  very  leaven  of  life. 
The  child  who  opposes  the  existing  order  of  things 
may  have  something  to  contribute.  At  least  the 
teacher  and  children  should  consider  his  suggestion, 
be  it  an  appeal  for  new  rules  to  a  game  or  an  effort  to 
champion  some  desire  of  the  gang.  If  the  opposition 
is  unreasonable  and  the  child  needs  to  be  swung  back 
into  line,  strong  social  pressure  can  be  brought  by  the 
group  to  induce  cooperation  even  where  intellectual 
opposition  exists.  It  is  only  thus  that  the  rights  of 
the  majority  can  be  protected. 

Training  in  Combativeness  Through  Debates.  — 
In  connection  with  school  work  many  situations  occur 
which  permit  training  in  intellectual  combativeness. 
Intellectual  opposition  can  thrive  only  in  a  situation 
of  social  freedom.  Children  should  feel  free  to 
express  differences  of  opinion;  they  should  also  be 
trained  to  respect  other  children's  views.  Just  as 
they  must  learn  what  is  fair  in  a  fight  by  fighting, 
they  must  learn  how  to  argue  by  arguing.  They 
acquire  these  moral  values  not  by  precepts  or  ad- 
monitions but  by  practice  in  intellectual  combative- 
ness. Teachers  need  to  learn  the  laws  governing 
intellectual  combativeness  as  well  as  the  rules  govern- 
ing sports  and  games. 

Through  Sports  and  Games.  —  It  is  a  well-known 
fact  that  a  better  physical  development  results  from 


Il8        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

playing  foot-hall  and  base-hall,  from  swimming, 
dancing,  and  track  games  than  can  be  gained  through 
formal  gymnastics.  This  is  not  only  because  the 
recreational  advantages  are  superior  in  group  games 
and  sports,  but  also  because  the  situations  affording 
combativeness  in  strength,  speed,  and  daring  are  life 
situations  in  which  the  training  that  is  gained  is  of 
the  practical  sort.  The  writer  has  selected  eight  well- 
known  games  for  the  purpose  of  analyzing  the  social 
situations  such  games  afford  for  the  training  of  com- 
bativeness. 

i.  Cat  and  Mouse.  —  In  this  game,  children  with 
clasped  hands  wrestle  in  circle  form  to  assist  the 
passage  of  a  child  called  "mouse"  and  hinder  the 
chase  of  the  one  impersonating  a  cat.  The  dodging 
and  wrestling  movements  are  valuable  for  muscular 
development,  and  the  group  contest  affords  training  in 
unanimity  of  purpose. 

2.  Circle  Ball,  a  game  popular  with  both  boys  and 
girls,  is  also  played  in  circle  form  with  a  child  in  the 
center  endeavoring  to  intercept  the  passage  of  a 
basket  ball  tossed  from  one  member  of  the  outside 
circle  to  another.  Here  fighting  is  involved  in 
reaching  and  jumping  movements. 

3.  In  Dodge  Ball  half  of  the  players  stand  in  a 
circle  attempting  to  hit  with  a  basket  ball  the  other 
half  inside  the  circle.  Those  in  the  center  seek  to 
avoid  the  ball  by  dodging  and  jumping. 

4.  Straddle  Ball  is  another  game  in  which  protec- 
tive movements  of  the  feet  are  required.  The  children 
stand  in  a  circle  astride  and  touching  each  others' 
feet.     One  child   in   the  center  of  the  circle  tries  to 


FIGHTING   PLAYS  119 

throw  the  basket  ball  between  the  feet  of  some  child  or 
between  two  players'  feet. 

5.  Pass  Ball.  —  A  game  in  which  children  in  two 
concentric  circles  facing  each  other  strive  to  pass  balls 
around  so  rapidly  to  members  of  their  own  circle  that 
they  can  overtake  the  balls  moving  in  the  opposite 
circle.  In  this  game  we  see  the  development  of  rapid 
movements,  and  devotion  to  the  group's  interests. 

6.  Bombardment.  —  In  this  game  two  teams  line 
up  on  opposing  sides  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  feet 
back  of  the  line  on  their  own  territory.  Each  player 
guards  an  Indian  club  which  stands  on  the  floor 
beside  him.  If  this  club  is  knocked  down  by  one  of 
the  balls  of  the  opponents,  several  of  whom  play  at 
the  same  time,  the  player  whose  club  is  hit  must 
replace  the  club  before  returning  the  ball.  Points  are 
scored  by  opposite  sides  when  a  club  is  hit  or  accident- 
ally falls.  In  this  team  game  we  see  righting  for 
points  which  are  scored  not  as  individual  gains  but  for 
the  group. 

7.  Human  Target.  —  One  child  as  a  Human  Target 
tries  to  avoid  being  hit  by  a  basket  ball  which  others 
are  passing  among  themselves  and  throwing  at  him. 
Here  we  see  individual  fighting  movements  in  the 
form  of  jumping  and  dodging. 

8.  Kick  Ball.  —  In  this  game  we  see  fighting  by 
means  of  kicking  movements.  Both  sides  line  up  in 
sitting  position  four  feet  apart  and  fight  to  score  points 
by  kicking  the  ball  over  the  heads  of  opponents.  The 
kicking  must  be  done  with  the  feet  while  both  hands 
are  placed  on  the  floor. 


120        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Through  Manual  Projects.  —  To  train  in  com- 
bativeness  by  manual  work,  orie  must  study  the  skills 
prevalent  at  different  ages,  and  learn  to  understand 
the  use  of  these  skills  for  personal  emulation  as  well 
as  for  group  advantage.  In  the  kindergarten  there  is 
less  interest  in  competing  for  manual  skill  than  in  the 
grades  following.  Still  the  desire  to  build  the  best 
house,  paint  the  best  furniture  weave  the  prettiest 
rug,  etc.,  <an  be  utilized.  Even  in  the  kindergarten, 
children  can  learn  the  fair  way  to  excel  and  can  be 
taught  to  share  with  the  group  sonic  of  the  results  «»t 
individual  gain.  Through  the  primary  grades,  skill 
is  acquired  more  and  more  through  competing  with 
others.  School  gardens,  school  fairs,  spelling  bees,  and 
grammatical  contests  can  be  so  socialized  that  the 
group  always  shares  a  little  in  the  personal  advantage 
of  some  of  its  members.  Children  cannot  learn  too 
early  that  all  do  not  start  even  in  the  race  for  honor.-, 
and  that  the  rules  of  fair  play  demand  sharing  with 
the  group. 

Records  of  Fighting  Plavs 

i.  Soldiers.  Lawrence  Park.  —  Seven  soldiers 
march  away,  waxing  flags  to  the  beat  of  a  drum; 
behind  them  trails  an  express  wagon  containing  a 
load  of  brooms  to  be  used  for  guns.  Some  little  girls 
playing  house  step  out  and  wave  good-bye  to  the 
soldiers.  The  soldiers  hold  a  hurried  consultation 
and  decide  upon  a  place  for  their  camp.  Two  boys 
bring  a  screen  to  the  spot  selected  and,  using  it  for 
sid,-,,  erect  a  tent.  Then  they  build  a  tire  and  gel 
ready  for  bed.     Tin-  play  leader  suggests  the  need  of  a 


FIGHTING   PLAYS 


121 


Soldiers 


sentinel.  A  seven-year-old  boy  volunteers  to  play 
the  part.  He  walks  up  and  down,  swinging  a  club 
as  he  walks.  A  new  child  stands  near  watching  the 
play.  "What  are  you  doing  around  here?"  asks  the 
sentinel  shaking  his  stick  at  the  new  child.  (The  play 
leader  makes  a  movement  as  if  to  interrupt  but 
checks  it  and  stands  thinking.)  Then  the  sentinel 
goes  into  a  girls'  playhouse  near  by  and  threatens  the 
children  there.  Morning  comes  and  the  watchman 
blows  his  bugle.  All  the  soldiers  scramble  to  their 
feet,  wash  their  faces,  and  grab  their  guns.  Following 
a  boy  who  seems  to  have  some  plan  of  action,  the 
children  leave  their  camp  and  dash  madly  into  the 
adjoining  locker  room.  "Here  they  are!"  shouts  the 
leader,  as  he  shakes  the  locker  doors.     "Break  in!" 


122        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

All  rattle  the  doors.  One  boy  lies  down  and  points  a 
broom  at  an  imaginary  enemy,  while  the  others  shout 
"Bang!  Bang!"  as  they  shake  the  doors.  "All 
killed!"  says  the  leader,  whereupon  the  other  children 
seem  satisfied  and  run  back  to  the  camp.  They 
take  up  the  tent  and  go  back  to  the  house  where  the 
girls  live.     All  eat  an  imaginary  dinner. 

The  children  dramatizing  this  play  were  six  or  seven  years  old. 
The  elements  in  the  plot  are  so  characteristic  that  they  alone  reveal 
to  careful  observers  the  psychological  ages  of  the  children.  What 
interested  the  children  primarily  was  movement  and  simple  imita- 
tive-dramatic play  —  shooting,  building  a  camp,  and  imitating  overt 
acts  of  soldiers.  Shooting  occurs  first  because  it  is  the  most  striking 
thing  soldiers  do.  The  children  had  evidently  seen  pictures  of 
camps,  for  they  knew  how  to  dramatize  ''.he  simple  essentials  of 
camp  life.  In  all  the  dramatization  we  see  that  activity  is  pleasur- 
able as  an  end  in  itself,  while  noise  as  the  result  of  activity  gives 
spontaneous  pleasure.  Rattling  doors  and  shouting  "  Hang!  Bang!" 
are  a  source  of  original  satisfaction.  While  the  lighting  and  hunting 
responses  are  used,  and  the  instinct  of  habitation  is  noticeable,  the 
dramatic  responses  are  the  center  and  core  of  the  game.  Another 
point  of  interest  in  the  analysis  of  this  play  is  the  threatening 
attitude  displayed  on  the  part  of  the  sentinel.  It  is  quite  evident 
that  a  surly  policeman  was  his  copy.  The  fact  that  he  had  never 
been  to  the  playroom  before  accounts  for  the  play  leader's  non- 
interference on  the  first  day. 

2.  A  Soldier  Camp.  Andrews  School  Play- 
ground.—  The  children  became  so  much  interested 
in  soldier  plays  that  they  wanted  a  tent.  They 
planned  how  one  could  be  made  and  selected  three 
stakes.  The  play  leader  provided  some  unbleached 
muslin;  this  the  children  attached  t<>  an  upright  pole 
and  fastened  down  with  stakes.  Then  they  put  a 
flag  on  top  ot  the  tent  and  stacked  some  brooms  out- 


FIGHTING   PLAYS 


123 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 


Soldiers'  Camp 


side  for  guns.  The  girls  put  up  a  clothesline  and  hungi 
some  washing  on  it.  Outside  the  tent  they  built  a 
fire,  making  a  tripod  with  sand  shovels  and  hanging  a 
pail  on  it.  Then  they  set  the  table,  using  twigs  for 
knives,  forks,  and  spoons,  and  sand  molds  for  dishes. 
The  boys  formed  a  company,  selected  their  captain, 
and  drilled.  The  girls  prepared  the  meals  and  served 
the  soldiers. 

This  play  was  repeated  intermittently  for  several  weeks,  and 
shows  the  type  of  dramatic  fighting  play  characteristic  of  children 
from  seven  to  nine  years  old.  While  a  child  of  kindergarten  age 
plays  soldier  largely  for  the  joy  involved  in  the  overt  activity,  such 
as  the  beating  of  drums,  the  waving  of  flags,  and  the  gay  tramping 
march,  children  in  the  first  primary  grades  need  to  construct  more 
varied  plots.  There  must  be  something  for  soldiers  to  do  besides 
shoot  and  march,   somewhere  for  them  to  go,  other  soldiers  to 


124        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

fight,  and  a  camp  equipped  for  outdoor  .life.  On  this  account 
formal  games  such  as  "Soldier  Boy,  Soldier  Boy,  Where  Are  You 
Going?"  which  appeal  to  kindergarten  children  because  of  the 
activity  involved,  fail  to  interest  older  children.  They  need  to 
build  plots  full  of  details  and  variety.  Play  2  is  an  illustration  of 
spontaneously  constructed  plays  of  this  sort. 

One  other  fact  deserves  mention.  Note  the  roles  played  by  the 
girls.  I  think  their  lack  of  active  participation  in  the  roles  of 
soldiers  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  boys  naturally  took  it 
for  granted  girls  couldn't  be  soldiers,  rather  than  that  the  girls 
preferred  minor  roles.  Environment  has  had  a  great  influence  in 
depriving  girls  of  legitimate  play  experiences. 

3.  War.  Washington  Park  Playground.  —  For  a 
period  of  several  years  the  author  observed  the  spon- 
taneous play  of  a  particular  group  of  boys  of  many 
nationalities.  These  boys  were  between  seven  and 
ten  years  of  age,  full  of  life,  and  with  a  strong  ten- 
dency to  combat.  There  were  days  when  they  would 
display  a  restlessness  and  combativeness  toward  other 
children  that  made  it  hazardous  for  other  children  to 
play  peacefully  near  by.  This  group  of  boys  would 
rove  about  the  playroom  annoying  other  children  and 
seeking  a  destructive  outlet  for  their  activities.  One 
day  when  the  restlessness  was  worse  than  usual,  the 
play  leader  suggested  that  the  boys  choose  sides  for  a 
battle.  This  was  done  with  great  alacrity,  natural 
leaders  springing  up  on  both  sides.  One  leader  said 
his  side  was  British;  the  other  shouted,  "We're 
Americans."  The  Americans  built  a  tort  by  bracing  a 
gymnasium  mattress  against  a  swing  frame;  the  British 
(, imped  in  the  open  just  opposite.  The  captains 
of  both  sides  drilled  their  men,  1  >vi t  then  seemed  at  a 
loss  what  to  do.      At   last   the  American  commander 


FIGHTING   PLAYS  1 25 

said,  "Let's  fight!"  "What  will  you  fight  for?" 
asked  the  play  leader.  He  looked  puzzled  for  a  while, 
then  replied,  "They've  stole  some  of  our  land  and  we 
want  the  money."  The  play  leader  thought  a  minute. 
She  saw  the  plot  was  on  a  low  level,  yet  determined 
to  use  it  to  get  material  out  of  which  to  develop  a 
better  plot.  "All  right!"  she  answered.  "Hadn't 
you  better  go  over  there  and  ask  them  for  the  money, 
so  they  will  know  what  they  are  fighting  for?"  The 
American  commander  went  over  and  made  his  demand, 
which  was  refused  by  the  British.  It  was  plain  that 
both  sides  wanted  war.  Again  both  sides  lined  up 
their  men,  the  British  standing  behind  a  row  of 
chairs.  "Forward,  march!"  said  the  American  com- 
mander. The  soldiers  shouldered  brooms  and  marched 
several  times  around  the  room  to  the  beat  of  the 
drum.  When  the  third  round  was  made  a  spon- 
taneous battle  took  place  in  which  both  sides  rushed 
pell  mell  at  each  other,  shouting  "Bang!  Bang!"  and 
pushing  each  other  down  in  great  confusion.  This 
lasted  only  a  minute  or  two  and  soon  the  play  leader 
heard  shouts  of,  "I  pushed  him  down  and  he  won't 
stay  there!"  or  "Never  touched  me!"  Then  the 
boys  turned  to  her  as  the  final  court  of  appeal.  She 
helped  to  eliminate  the  unfair  pushing  by  suggesting 
that  every  man  fall  as  soon  as  the  broom  touched  him. 
She  also  helped  to  reconstruct  the  plot,  and  two  or 
three  days  later  substituted  an  historic  plot.  An 
interesting  result  was  that  these  unmanageable  boys 
learned  to  utilize  the  combative  instinct  for  group 
purposes.  The  pushing,  crowding,  and  wrestling 
movements  were  not  eliminated,  but  were  governed 


126        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

by  rules.  Some  direct  fighting  was  permitted,  but  it 
was  carefully  supervised,  and  the  children  themselves 
were  trained  to  judge  and  to  act  as  umpires.  The 
result  was  that  other  children  played  unmolested 
near  by.  For  a  period  of  several  months  the  boys 
continued  to  develop  interest  and  good  habits  through 
the  use  of  fighting  plays. 

The  first  thought  occurring  to  one  in  examining  this  record  is  the 
low  type  of  intelligence  which  prevailed  in  the  boys'  social  adjust- 
ments. One  would  be  interested  to  know  as  a  result  of  tests  whether 
this  was  the  result  of  poor  native  ability  or  of  the  immigrants' 
condition  of  life  in  a  crowded  city.  To  the  writer  the  play  leader's 
suggestion  that  the  children  invent  an  end  to  fight  for  was  unneces- 
sary. The  direct  output  of  energy  was  the  children's  immediate 
interest;  the  imposition  of  an  end  by  the  teacher  was  premature. 
Later  plots  constructed  by  the  children  after  conscious  deliberation, 
showed  a  commendable  growth  in  the  group's  conception  of  fair 
play,  in  loyalty  to  group  ends,  and  in  a  willingness  to  refrain  from 
unfair  advantage. 

4.  Soldiers  and  Indians.  Washington  Park  Play- 
ground. -The  boys  chose  sides  —  Americans  and 
Indians.  The  Americans  had  their  fort  behind  a 
bench  on  one  side  of  the  room;  the  Indians  camped 
on  the  other  side.  The  American  captain  drilled  and 
marched  his  troops.  The  Indian  chief  led  a  war 
dance,  then  crouched  down,  put  his  hand  to  his  ton- 
head,  and  searched  for  the  enemy.  When  he  saw  the 
enemy  he  gave  a  loud  war-whoop.  All  the  braves 
rallied  to  him  and  crept  stealthily  toward  the  American 
camp.  When  near,  the-  Indians  tired  imaginary  guns, 
shouting  "Bang!  Bang!"  The  fighting  became  so 
rough  that  the  play  was  stopped  by  the  play  leader. 

This  is  an  exampU  of  the  need  of  constructive  suggestion  to  con- 
vert the  play  into  ri^ht  channels  of  expression. 


FIGHTING  PLAYS  1 27 

5.  Indians  and  Cowboys.  Arsenal  Park.  —  One 
day  after  school,  two  boys,  one  in  a  cowboy  suit  and 
another  in  an  Indian  suit,  came  into  the  playroom. 
Both  boys  strolled  listlessly  around  the  room,  their 
eyes  resting  nowhere  for  more  than  a  moment. 
Plainly  there  was  nothing  in  sight  which  appealed  to 
them.  At  length  the  Indian  said,  "Let's  get  guns!" 
Both  boys  seized  toy  brooms  and  started  to  shoot 
with  them.  The  cowboy  called  another  boy  to  him 
and  the  two  hovered  near  a  screened  gas  fire,  pointing 
the  guns  toward  the  blaze  and  shouting  "Bang! 
Bang!"  The  Indian  found  another  boy  to  play  with 
and  crouched  behind  a  table.  Soon  the  Indians 
attacked  the  cowboys.  When  asked  by  the  play 
leader  why  they  were  fighting,  the  Indian  chief  said, 
"For  a  horse."  Then  he  added,  "You  be  our  horse." 
The  play  leader  consented.  The  Indians  tied  her  to  a 
table.  Soon  the  cowboys  came  over  to  get  the  horse 
and  in  the  ensuing  battle  the  play  became  rough. 
The  play  leader  took  away  the  brooms  and  stopped 
the  game.  The  Indian  said,  "Let's  go  home;  she 
won't  let  us  have  the  guns!"  Then  he  drew  off  the 
cowboy  and  both  sulked  for  a  while.  The  play  leader 
rallied  the  other  children  and  together  they  played 
cowboy.  But  the  play  lacked  vitality.  It  did  ac- 
complish a  purpose,  however;  it  showed  the  boys  the 
necessity  of  fair  play.  They  watched  furtively  and 
with  interest.  Finally  the  Indian  and  cowboy  played 
chase,  hiding  behind  chairs  and  sliding  down  the  slide. 

Again  we  see  a  play  on  a  very  low  social  and  intellectual  plane. 
It  is  included  as  an  illustration  of  the  part  the  fighting  instinct  plays 
in  causing  restlessness.     Evidently  these  boys  appeared  in  the 


128        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   l'LAY 

playroom  after  a  day  in  school  in  which  many  normal  instincts 
■toward  activity  had  been  thwarted.  Many  children  arc  unfairly 
blamed  for  fighting  on  their  way  home  from  school.  This  fighting 
is  sometimes  a  natural  read  ion  from  a  day  of  repression.  A  study 
of  fighting  responses  shows  how  naturally  they  appear  v. 
instincts  are  refused  normal  functioning.  Unfortunately  the 
playground  cannot  handle  such  cases  alone.  Until  the  school, 
also,  learns  to  handle  the  instincts  properly,  much  of  the  play- 
ground training  is  only  palliative. 

6.  Battles  of  the  French  and  Indian  War.  Mt. 
Washington  Playground.1 

a.  Braddock's  Defeat.  "Indians  under  Big"  Chief 
Pratt  hide  behind  trees.  English,  all  armed  with 
brooms,  parade  out  in  stiff  military  fashion,  and 
stubbornly  maintain  their  ground,  while  the  tiring, 
which  begins  immediately,  goes  on.  Almost  all  of  the 
English  fall  to  the  ground,  either  dead  or  wounded. 
Two  soldiers  half  carry,  half  drag  the  dying  com- 
mander from  the  scene  of  battle.  In  the  barracks 
the  general  revives  and  then  the  roll  call  is  taken.  A 
volunteer  consents  to  go  out  immediately  to  spy  on 
the  enemy,  which  is  still  in  the  vicinity.  A  cry  oi  lire 
is  raised  at  this  instant.  Great  confusion.  Onegroup 
lights  the  fire;  the  other  group  attacks  the  Indians  and 
the  French  who  have  committed  the  outrage.  More 
killing;  some  captures.  I  All  the  soldiers  and  the  Indians 
in  the  play  have  nine  lives.)  A  lull  in  hostilities  ensues 
while  efforts  are  made  to  arrange  for  a  peaceful  council. 
English  messenger  i-  attacked  in  Indian  camp  and  his 
scalp  <a  piece  of  swamp  grass  on  a  stick)  thrown  into 
British  camp.  Fighting  i^  renewed  with  increased 
intensity.      British     have    now    learned    the     Indian 

1  Describ  d  by  Miss  Soi  hia  M.  Lewis. 


FIGHTING   PLAYS  1 29 

method    of    lighting    and    use    the    same.     Fighting 
continues  until  both  sides  are  exhausted. 

b.  Fall  of  Quebec.  —  A  lumber  pile  represents  the 
Heights  and  its  surface  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 
French  and  Indians  lie  sleeping  on  the  Plains.  Sen- 
tinel, on  guard,  walks  back  and  forth.  (Indians  in 
this  game  use  guns.)  British  creep  up  under  cover  of 
darkness  in  the  snow,  through  the  trackless  forests. 
Guard  is  surprised  and  killed.  The  Heights  are 
scaled  and  the  fight  commences.  The  battle,  which 
lasts  a  long  time,  is  followed  by  negotiations  of 
interesting  character." 

This  play,  though  historically  inaccurate  in  some  details,  repre- 
sents an  interesting  combination  of  the  dramatic  and  combative 
instincts.  Miss  Lewis  states  in  her  notes  that  the  boy  who  played 
the  part  of  commander-in-chief  had  been  one  of  the  hardest  on  the 
playground  to  manage;  that  after  the  fighting  games  began  he 
became  a  helper  instead  of  a  menace  to  the  group. 

7.  A  Snow  Battle.  Washington  Park.  —  A  heavy 
snow  brought  to  the  boys'  minds  the  idea  of  having  a 
snow  fight.  All  hastened  to  put  on  caps  and  coats 
and  ran  quickly  out-of-doors  to  the  spot  where  the 
snow  was  deepest.  A  fort  was  speedily  built;  sides 
were  chosen  and  arrayed  against  each  other;  then  the 
battle  was  begun  amidst  wild  shouts  of  glee.  Vigorous 
hand-to-hand  conflict  resulted  in  clouds  of  flying  snow. 
It  was  soon  evident  that  the  demolished  fort  had  been 
captured  by  the  invaders,  who  immediately  led  a 
triumphant  march  about  the  field  of  battle. 

Snow  fights  afford  splendid  opportunities  for  the  training  of  the 
combative  instinct,  along  with  training  in  manipulation  of  plastic 
material.     Such  plays  may  include  team  wrestling,  pushing,  and 


130        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

throwing,  all  under  strict  rules  enforced  by  group  leaders.  Tumbling 
about  in  soft  snow  is  much  enjoyed  by  children,  as  is  the  making 
of  snowballs  and  forts. 

8.  Fighting  Play.1  —  "A  most  interesting  house-play 
of  a  boy  six  years  old.  This  child  for  several  days  had 
been  observed  closely  by  the  play  leader.  He  seemed 
abnormal  in  his  conduct.  He  would  often  rush  wildly 
about  the  playground  with  a  big  stick  for  a  gun, 
shooting  everyone  he  met  and  punching  the  other 
children.  One  day,  however,  he  found  some  loose 
boards,  stood  them  up  to  form  a  sort  of  wigwam,  and 
announced  that  he  had  built  himself  a  house.  He 
furnished  it  in  the  crudest  manner  possible,  using 
large  stones  for  furniture.  After  a  while  he  went 
over  to  a  spot  where  some  other  children  were  keeping 
a  store,  bought  some  provisions,  and  took  them  to  his 
home.  He  stayed  there  a  few  minutes  until  the  play- 
ground closed. 

This  was  the  first  time  the  child  had  shown  any 
interest  in  anything  except  rushing  about,  knocking 
others  down,  and  shooting.  A  few  days  later,  while 
shooting  someone,  he  was  evidently  attracted  by 
some  handwork  the  children  were  doing,  for  he  got  a 
piece  of  paper  and  made  a  wigwam,  calling  it  an 
Eskimo  house.  After  a  while  he  discovered  a  habita- 
tion —  a  place  —  where  some  boards  projected  from 
a  little  bank  of  sand.  He  crawled  under  this  shelter, 
saying  that  he  was  an  Eskimo  and  that  this  was  his 
home.  When  next  observed  he  had  placed  boards 
on  the  ground  and  had  enclosed  his  home  with  a  roof 
and  sides.     A  large  stone  was  the  table  and  smaller 

1  Described  by  Helene  Reed. 


FIGHTING   PLAYS  131 

round  stones  served  as  food.  Little  dishes  filled  with 
sand  stood  in  a  row  along  the  front  of  his  house.  He 
himself  sat  contentedly  inside,  talking  to  everyone  who 
came  along  and  shooting  at  anyone  who  molested 
him.  He  said,  "I'm  the  father;  that  fellow  is  my 
mother.  He  brings  the  pies  from  the  store."  This 
play  continued  for  some  little  time,  the  father  doing 
the  ordering,  the  mother  baking  the  cakes  in  the  store 
and  bringing  them  home.  After  a  while  it  was 
noticed  that  both  boys  sat  in  the  house.  On  being 
questioned  the  father  said,  "The  mother's  shot" 
(pointing  to  a  child  who  had  previously  been  the 
mother).  "He's  my  fellow;  he's  the  fellow  that  shot 
the  guy  that  shot  my  mother.  We're  brave,  we're 
awful  brave."  In  a  few  minutes  he  left  another  boy 
in  charge  of  his  house;  it  was  a  hospital  now,  and  he 
started  out  again  to  fight. 

In  this  play  one  is  struck  at  once  with  evidences  of  a  low  type  of 
intelligence ;  pleasure  in  mere  manipulating  of  household  furnishings, 
enjoyment  of  mere  pushing  unrelated  to  purposive  play,  quiescence 
in  dramatizing  a  role  —  all  these  indicate  arrested  development  in 
boys  of  this  age.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  the  intelligence 
quotient  of  these  boys  who,  surrounded  by  a  wholesome  play 
environment,  yet  choose  to  sit  under  cover  and  live  out  a  drama  of 
this  low  order.  The  murder  depicted  orally  shows  again  immature 
judgment  acting  upon  chance  experience. 


CHAPTER   IX 
Playing  Hospital  and  Funeral 

Many  Traditional  Games  Represent  Death  and 
Burial.  —  In  the  childhood  of  the  race  we  find  many 
traditional  games  originating  in  funeral  services  or  in 
magic  rites  performed  for  the  healing  of  the  sick  and 
wounded;  such  games  are  Green  Grass,  Green  Gravel, 
Jenn  v  Jones,  Old  Roger,  Wallflower,  and  Booman.  Main- 
folk  dances,  also,  represent  in  dance  pantomime  moods 
of  grief  and  sorrow;  such  is  Lot  is  Tod.  Children 
play  these  games  without  a  knowledge  of  their 
content.  After  the  meaning  lias  been  lost  the  words 
are  repeated  as  nonsense  jingles,  and  the  games  are 
enjoyed  because  they  abound  in  movement,  rhythm, 
and  repetition ;  and  because  they  usually  appeal  to  the 
social  instincts. 

The  Child  Does  not  Dramatize  Grief  and  Sorrow 
but  the  Situations  in  Which  They  Occur.  —  Children 
show  the  same  primitive  tendency  to  incorporate  in 
dramatic  play  experiences  representing  joy  or  sorrow 
as  does  primitive  man.  They  do  not  repeat  the 
experience  in  play  for  the  purpose  of  intensifying  a 
mood  of  joy  or  sorrow,  as  adults  sometimes  do  when 
they  relive  such  experiences  in  memory  or  when  they 
record  events  in  works  of  art.  Children's  joys  and 
sorrows  are  short-lived  and  their  dramatic  enactments 
of  adult  grief  and  sorrow  are  a  representation  not  of  the 
emotions  of  adults,  but  of  the  striking  features  in  the 
situations  which  call  forth  the  display  of  emotions. 

13-* 


PLAYING   HOSPITAL   AND   FUNERAL  1 33 

Why  Such  Plays  Appeal  to  the  Child.  —  There  is 
scarcely  a  household  that  is  untouched  by  the  ravages 
of  sickness  and  death;  scarcely  a  child  that  does  not 
reproduce  such  experiences  in  play.  If  this  seems 
strange  to  the  adult  it  is  because  he  does  not  put  him- 
self in  the  child's  place,  and  recall  the  mystery  and 
awe  with  which  in  his  own  childhood  he  contemplated 
the  slowly  moving  funeral  procession;  the  strange 
majesty  of  the  bowed  people  veiled  in  black,  the  busy 
coming  and  going  of  folk  to  the  homes;  the  crape,  the 
flowers,  the  music,  and  numerous  other  interesting 
sights  and  sounds  which  attend  the  last  rites  of  the 
dead.  Similar  to  a  child's  fondness  for  playing 
funeral  is  his  desire  to  ride  in  the  patrol  wagon.  A 
child  in  the  Pittsburgh  playgrounds  once  remarked, 
"When  I  get  big,  I'm  going  to  ride  in  the  patrol 
wagon;  my  father  has  gone  in  it  twice." 

The  Child's  Attitude  toward  Sickness  and  Death 
Different  from  the  Adult's.  —  A  young  training-school 
critic  once  visited  a  kindergarten  where  some  practice 
students  were  anxiously  awaiting  her  help.  One  of 
these  students  tried  vainly  to  interest  some  four-year- 
old  children  in  the  Third  Gift  building  lesson,  but  to 
no  avail;  in  desperation  she  gave  the  children  some 
penny  dolls*  with  which  to  play.  One  little  girl  said 
her  doll  had  died  and  should  be  buried.  From  that 
moment  the  children  became  interested  and  the  play 
took  care  of  itself.  The  young  teacher  entered  spon- 
taneously into  the  game  and  several  funerals  and 
burials  were  dramatized  with  great  interest.  The 
young  critic  teacher  was  horrified  to  see  an  example 
of  a  "negative"  play.     She  did  not  seem  to  see  the 


134        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

matter-of-fact  way  with  which  the  children  reproduced 
the  common  occurrence  i >l  death;  nor  did  she  recognize 
that  their  attitude  toward  sickness  and  death  was 
different  from  the  adult's  attitude.  To  her,  (hath 
was  associated  with  grief  and  the  breaking  of  ties,  and 
to  play  a  game  about  it  was  sacrilegious. 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  •'  Recreation 


Playing  Hospital 


Educational  Possibilities  in  Playing  Hospital  and 
Funeral.  -  Dramatizing  sickness  and  death  is  neither 
more  nor  less  important  than  the  enactment  of  any 
other  human  experience.  It  affords  an  opportunity 
for  a  glimpse  of  the  fleeting  panorama  of  human  life. 
It  calls  into  play  the  instincts  of  emulation,  coopera- 
tion, and  kindliness.  It  is  easy  for  the  play  leader 
to  explain  facts  of  hygiene  in  connection  with  hospital 
plays.  The  children  delight  to  dramatize  "first  aid." 
In  preparing  bandages  and  dressing  wounds  they  can 
easily  learn  the  first  elements  of  hygiene.     Hospital 


PLAYING   HOSPITAL  AND   FUNERAL 


135 


work  affords  endless  opportunities  to  perform  interest- 
ing acts.  There  are  meals  to  serve,  beds  to  make, 
patients  to  care  for,  and  operations  to  perform;  in 
the  performance  of  all  these  tasks  one  may  display 
personal  qualities  which  win  social  approval. 


Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 

Red  Cross  Workers 


Records  of  Hospital  and  Funeral  Plays 

1.  Dr.  Smith's  Hospital.  Lawrence  Park  Play- 
room. —  Dr.  Smith  sat  at  a  long  table  rolling  tissue- 
paper  bandages.  By  his  side  was  his  medicine 
closet,  containing  several  cups  filled  with  water. 
The  play  began  when  Dr.  Smith  announced  he  had  no 
babies  to  care  for.  Some  little  girls  who  were  giving 
their  dolls  a  tea  party  jumped  up  and  made  prepara- 
tions to  visit  the  hospital.  One  girl  brought  her 
doll  over  in  a  go-cart.     Dr.  Smith  looked  at  the  doll, 


136        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

then  carried  it  behind  the  screen  which  marked  <>ft 
the  hospital  and  handed  the  doll  to  the  vaccinating 
doctor.  This  doctor  pushed  up  the  doll's  sleeve  and 
found  a  round  pencil  mark  which  he  said  was  yester- 
day's vaccination.  Dr.  Smith  supervised  the  putting 
on  of  a  new  bandage,  then  returned  to  his  work  cutting 
bandages  and  rolling  them  up.  Soon  another  doll 
appeared  and  was  said  by  Dr.  Smith  to  have  its  arm 
hurt.  He  took  it  out  to  the  ward  and  laid  it  carefully 
on  the  mattress.  "  Now  1  want  a  nurse."  he  said. 
Straight  way  a  girl  of  nine  years  appeared.  Dr. 
Smith  looked  her  over,  then  said  abruptly,  "Get  a 
cap!"  She  disappeared  and  came  back  wearing  a 
tissue-paper  cap  and  apron.  "Stay  in  the  ward!" 
said  Dr.  Smith.  She  went  back  of  the  screen  and 
bent  over  the  sleeping  doll,  covering  it  with  a  small 
blanket.  Another  doll  appeared.  "Croup!"  said 
Dr.  Smith,  and  ordered  the  doll  to  be  put  into  the 
white  iron  bed.  Presently  two  mothers  came  to 
inquire  about  one  of  the  babies.  Dr.  Smith  waved 
his  hand  and  said.  "Show  them  the  one  with  the  lace 
on  its  dress."  The  vaccinating  doctor  came  into  the 
office  and  announced.  "Two  1  abies  .ire  dead."  This 
remark  occasioned  no  surprise  or  regret  to  either 
doctor.  Shortly  afterward  Dr.  Smith  called  to  the 
play  leader  and  said,  "  I  want  a  knife  to  operate  with." 
Just  then  another  doll  appeared.  "Typhoid!"  said 
I  )r.  Smith,  as  he  handed  her  to  the  nurse.  "  Measles!" 
he  said  to  the  mother  who  had  just  brought  in  another 
baby.  These  dolls  were  put  in  separate  beds  and  their 
mothers  told  to  come  back  at  two  o'clock.  Two  other 
mothers    were    also    sent    home    to    await    that    hour. 


PLAYING   HOSPITAL   AND   FUNERAL  1 37 

"We  need  an  ambulance,"  said  Dr.  Smith,  and  a  boy 
with  an  express  wagon  was  called  into  service.  The 
boy  clanged  an  imaginary  bell,  shouting  "Ding! 
Ding!",  and  dashed  from  house  to  house  until  he 
finally  persuaded  a  mother  to  send  her  child  to  the 
hospital.  The  vaccinating  doctor  had  wandered  out 
to  watch  some  boys  at  play.  He  was  called  back 
sharply  by  Dr.  Smith,  who  said,  "Come  on !  You  ain't 
got  no  time  to  watch  that!"  The  piano  signalled  it 
was  time  to  put  the  toys  away.  "  Oh ! "  said  the  nurse 
with  regret.  "I'll  use  these  rolls  tomorrow,"  said 
Dr.  Smith,  putting  the  bandages  in  the  box.  "And 
I'll  be  the  nurse,"  said  the  little  girl. 

The  spirit  and  zest  with  which  this  play  was  conducted  reveal 
the  real  character  of  dramatic  play.  These  children  played  with 
the  same  singleness  of  aim  and  sincerity  of  purpose  that  character- 
ize the  work  of  the  adult  doctor  and  nurse.  Dr.  Smith's  attitude 
became  solicitous,  his  bearing  important,  and  his  manner  to  the 
nurses  curt  and  authoritative. 

2.  Hospital.     Washington  Park  Playroom. -- The 

hospital  consisted  of  a  row  of  beds  made  from  large 
wooden  blocks.  A  doll  covered  with  a  white  paper 
sheet  lay  in  each  bed.  A  head  nurse  and  two  assis- 
tants bent  over  the  dolls,  feeling  their  pulses  and  tuck- 
ing the  clothes  closer  around  the  dolls.  A  special 
chair  by  the  beds  was  reserved  for  the  doctor,  who 
presently  appeared  to  examine  the  dolls.  With 
nothing  but  a  gesture  of  "All's  well,"  the  doctor  left. 

3.  War  and  Hospital.     Ormsby  Park  Playroom.  - 
A  war  had  taken  place  between  Indians  and  cowboys. 
Six-year-old  B,  a  favorite  among  the  children,  played 
he  was   hurt.     He   lay   very   still   on   the   floor,    the 


138        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

cowboy  suit  and  red  bandanna  handkerchief  he  wore 
adding  to  the  picturesqueness  of  the  part  he  was  play- 
ing. "We  need  a  hospital,"  said  one  child.  Quickly 
the  other  children  arranged  two  tables  to  represent  a 
hospital  ward,  then  bent  over  B.  He  stiffened  and 
let  them  carry  him  to  a  table,  where  he  lay  very 
quietly,  without  once  opening  his  eyes.  A  self- 
installed  nurse  folded  a  tissue-paper  bandage  and 
pinned  it  around  his  forehead.  Still  B  did  not  stir. 
"Time  for  your  medicine,"  said  the  nurse,  as  she 
lifted  his  head  gently  and  poured  two  teaspoonfuls  of 
water  down  his  throat.  At  this  B  slightly  opened  his 
eyes,  then  closed  them  again.  The  other  children  had 
resumed  the  war  game,  so  the  nurse  and  B  were  alone, 
except  for  one  boy  who  now  made  his  appearance 
carrying  a  doctor's  satchel.  He  felt  the  patient's 
pulse,  looked  at  his  tongue,  then  ordered  him  up. 
The  nurse  helped  B  into  a  chair  and  brought  him  a 
broom  for  a  crutch.  B  put  it  under  one  arm  and 
hobbled  off  to  the  scene  of  war,  where  he  soon  forgot 
all  about  being  sick  and  joined  the  cowboys  fighting 
the  Indians. 

This  play  was  most  interesting  to  watch.     It  was  quite  evident 

that  the  make-believe  sympathy  of  the  nurse  and  the  attention  of 

r  children  were  the  objects  H  soughl  in  playing  the  part.    When 

the  writer  visited  the  playroom  after  an  interval  of  a  week  B  was 

still  playing  this  rdle. 

4.  Hospital  Play.  -Some  children  who  were 
thrown  together  for  a  few  days  in  a  detention  home 
became  much  interested  in  playing  hospital.  The 
following  verbal  descriptions  wire  given  by  various 
children.     "We  take  tin-  babies  down  to  the  hospital, 


PLAYING   HOSPITAL  AND   FUNERAL  139 

take  the  tonsils  out,  vaccinate,  feel  her  hands,  and 
feel  her  heart.  On  another  baby,  put  vaccination  on 
her  foot.  When  they  got  headache  we  put  cloth  on 
their  head;  when  they  got  earache  we  should  put  a 
hot  water  bag  on  it.  Doctor  comes  in  and  feels 
baby's  hands  and  heart  and  opens  her  mouth  and 
gives  her  some  medicine.  We  need  keys  (real  ones) 
to  open  the  bathroom  doors.  When  another  baby 
comes,  put  it  in  stretcher  and  give  it  a  bath.  When 
their  eyes  hurt,  put  something  like  water  in  it.  If 
their  foot  hurts,  put  white  stuff  and  a  rag  on  it.  Put 
glass  thing  under  their  tongues.  When  they  ain't 
got  no  arm  put  new  arm  on  it.  Ambulance  goes  to 
house  if  they  got  a  baby  sick  and  bring  it  to  hospital. 
Take  it  to  bed  on  stretcher.  When  we  (nurses)  go 
home  we  go  on  car,  and  lady  sets  the  table  and  lady 
gives  us  good  things  to  eat  —  coffee,  oranges,  apples, 
cake.  Can't  all  go  at  once  ■ —  only  one  by  one  so  some 
one  can  take  care  of  the  babies.  When  the  babies 
want  something  to  eat  they  got  to  ring  bell  by  bed. 
We  clean  the  babies  up." 

Here  we  see  the  crude  content  of  children's  minds. 

5.  Cemetery.  A  Home  Play.  —  A  small  boy  bent 
eagerly  over  his  task  of  arranging  rows  of  sticks  in  the 
soft  sand;  when  asked  what  he  was  doing,  the  boy 
looked  up  with  a  smile  and  answered,  "Oh!  making 
graves  in  a  cemetery." 

6.  A  Kitten's  Funeral.  Sullivan  Playground.  — 
One  day  a  kitten  was  killed  on  the  playground  by  a 
stray  dog.  .The  children  said  the  kitten  should  be 
buried.     At  once  some  of  them  began  to  dig  a  grave 


140        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

while  others  gathered  around  the  dead  body  to  guard 
it.  A  few  children  showed  evidence  of  grief,  but 
most  of  them  were  absorbed  in  the  ceremony  of  burial. 
They  buried  the  kitten  and  covered  the  grave  with 
roses.  A  stone  was  selected  and  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  grave.  When  the  play  leader  went  home  that 
night  two  negro  boys  volunteered  to  watch  the  grave 
until  supper  time. 

7.  Funeral.  Soho  Playground.  --  Two  dead  birds 
were  found  on  the  playground.  The  boys  buried 
them  and  put  tombstones  on  the  graves.  They  also 
made  a  fence  around  both  graves. 


CHAPTER   X 

Playing  Fireman 

Why  Children  Play  Fireman.  —  Probably  no  single 
role  is  so  frequently  dramatized  among  groups  of 
young  children  as  that  of  fireman.  Spontaneous 
attention  naturally  goes  out  to  intense  stimuli  such  as 
loud  noises  coming  in  the  midst  of  quiet,  to  that 
which  is  unusual  and  novel  in  its  appeal,  to  moving 
objects,  and  the  like.  Just  as  the  tramping  of 
soldiers'  feet  and  the  parade  of  the  town  band  entice 
children  into  the  street,  so  the  fire-engine  dashing 
by,  clanging  its  bells  and  sounding  its  shrill 
whistle,  stirs  up  interest  in  dramatizing  that  event. 
"Let's  play  fire!"  is  the  cry.  The  boy  or  girl  of  four 
years  becomes  the  ringing  bell,  the  prancing  steed,  the 
courageous  fireman  all  in  one.  To  the  child  of  five  or 
six  years  of  age  the  plot  unfolds  larger  possibilities  and 
demands  a  differentiation  of  parts.  "I'm  the  bell," 
shouts  one  child.  "  I'm  the  hook  and  ladder,"  declares 
another.  The  child  having  the  clearest  vision  becomes 
the  leader  and  assigns  the  parts.  If  his  observations 
have  been  good  and  his  interest  in  details  keen,  he 
becomes  "chief"  and  organizes  a  fire  department; 
selects  horses  or  motor  trucks  and  firemen  to  man 
them;  decides  where  the  fire  is  to  be  and  directs 
putting  it  out.  Often  his  images  are  not  clear,  his 
knowledge  not  complete,  then  other  children  help  him 
out  in  constructing  the  plot  and  dramatizing  it. 

141 


142        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Records  of  Fireman  Play 

i.  A  Three-Year-Old  Child's  Fire-Plays.1— R  began 
to  play  fire-engine  shortly  after  moving  to  a  neighbor- 
hood where  a  large  fire  department  was  located. 
Because  his  fire-plays  throw  some  interesting  light  on 
the  psychology  of  play,  the  enactment  of  a  series  of 
fire  dramas  is  presented  in  this  chapter.  The  first 
plays  consisted  of  swiftly  moving  flights  in  an  ex- 
press wagon.  "Fire!  Fire!  Ding!  Dong!"  shouted 
the  fireman  as  he  sped  along.  This  simple  interest 
in  movement  soon  gave  way  to  a  more  varied  plot. 
The  front  door  steps  were  pressed  into  service  as  a 
burning  house,  a  long  board  became  the  hook  and 
ladder  for  rapid  ascent  into  the  realms  above,  a  coiled 
rope  served  as  hose,  and  imaginary  sprinkling  of  the 
burning  house  gave  rise  to  imitative  sounds  such  as 
"Cz!  Cz!"  The  active  features  of  the  play,  rapid 
movement  in  a  wheeled  vehicle,  climbing  and  manip- 
ulating such  objects  as  hose  and  ladders,  was  the 
center  of  interest  for  some  time.  Fire-plays  occupied 
at  least  two  hours  of  this  boy's  time  every  day  during 
that  fall,  and  when  the  winter  months  made-  indoor 
play  more  prolonged,  the  center  of  interest  shifted 
from  activity  in  a  wheeled  vehicle  to  activity  on  all 
fours  as  the  boy  pushed  a  toy  fire-engine  about.  The 
use  of  this  fire-engine,  a  present  to  R  on  his  fourth 
birthday,  affords  some  striking  examples  of  growth  in 
mental  imagery.  For  several  days  he  was  content 
to  push  about  this  attractive  fire-engine  drawn  by 
three    prancing    steeds.     The    automatic    clanging   of 

1  Records  from  mother's  notes. 


PLAYING  FIREMAN  1 43 

the  bell,  the  race  to  the  fire  on  all  fours,  satisfied 
temporarily  the  boy's  desire  for  activity,  while  interest 
in  the  mechanism  of  the  new  toy  for  the  time  being 
stifled  the  creative  play  he  had  been  wont  to  engage  in 
out-of-doors.  Soon,  however,  houses  appeared,  built 
of  blocks;  long  pillar-shaped  blocks  served  as  hose; 
while  wooden  rings  represented  coils  of  rope.  Other 
blocks  served  as  firemen  who  manipulated  the  new 
equipment.  The  boy  would  look  carefully  through 
his  cupboards  of  toys,  selecting  new  equipment  suit- 
able for  use  in  putting  out  fires.  He  would  sometimes 
play  for  an  hour  with  the  toy,  piling  the  truck  full  of 
objects  representing  pails,  ladders,  and  the  like;  for 
each  time  the  department  passed  the  house  he  ob- 
served new  objects  in  its  equipment,  while  one  big 
fire  in  the  neighborhood  revealed  the  uses  to  which 
the  equipment  could  be  put.  Then  this  creation  of 
his  imagination  was  abandoned  for  a  new  fire  toy 
constructed  out  of  blocks  from  all  the  plastic  materials 
he  could  lay  hands  upon.  The  properties  of  the  new 
fire  department  were  much  more  numerous.  True, 
the  new  motor  truck  could  not  be  moved  about,  the 
horn  did  not  blow,  and  the  driver  was  less  realistically 
garbed;  but  the  life  it  portrayed  was  more  real,  for 
it  was  the  creation  of  the  boy's  imagination.  He  him- 
self blew  the  horn,  moved  the  wooden  firemen  here 
and  there,  coiled  and  uncoiled  hose,  and  rescued 
people  from  the  burning  houses.  His  mind  planned 
the  fires,  his  voice  sounded  the  whistle,  his  hands  put 
out  the  fire.  The  mental  imagery  thus  initiated  was 
more  satisfying  than  the  physical  activity  he  had  used 
in  operating  the  gilded  toy. 


144        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

2.  Fireman.  Andrews  School  Playground.  -  A 
large  fire  near  the  school  suggested  this  play.  Some 
boys  built  a  house  of  blocks.  One  boy  said,  "Let's 
have  a  fire!"  Two  other  boys  produced  a  wagon 
filled  with  buckets  of  water;  this  was  the  hosecart. 
The  boys  in  the  house  rang  a  bell  and  the  firemen  and 
hosecart  came  rushing  to  the  burning  house.  The 
firemen  knocked  down  the  house  while  pouring  water 
on  it.  The  next  day  the  play  was  repealed.  A  small 
boy  built  a  stable  near  the  house  and  placed  a  block 
inside  to  represent  a  horse.  Although  the  firemen 
arrived  very  quickly  the  horse  had  burned  and  had  to 
be  buried. 

3.  Fireman.  Lawrence  Park  Playroom.  —  A  cor- 
ner of  the  room  was  screened  off  for  the  engine  house. 
Blocks  indicated  the  horses'  stalls.  Two  children 
were  harnessed  in  rope  and  stood  awaiting  the  call. 
A  fireman  wearing  a  cap  stood  with  a  bell  in  his  hand 
ready  to  ring  it  the  minute  an  alarm  of  fire  came  in. 
At  last  some  one  shouted,  "  Fire!  Fire!"  The  fireman 
rang  the  bell  long  and  loudly  while  two  other  boys 
took  out  the  horses  and  dashed  wildly  off  to  the  fire, 
followed  by  another  fireman  pulling  an  express  wagon. 
As  if  by  common  consent  all  rushed  to  the  furnace 
room,  where  the  gas  fire  was  burning  brightly.  One 
fireman  jumped  over  the  railing  and  climbed  a  few 
steps  up  a  ladder,  which  happened  to  be  against  the 
wall.  He  then  pointed  an  imaginary  hose  at  the  top 
of  the  boiler,  sayi'ng,  "Sz,  Sz!"  Xext  he  ran  down  the 
ladder  and  called  for  an  ax,  which  was  handed  to  him 
by  the  fireman  in  the  hosecart.  The  other  fireman 
ran   over   to   the    furnace   door   and    played    he   was 


PLAYING   FIREMAN  1 45 

pouring  a  stream  of  water  through  the  crack,  where 
the  fire  was  seen  to  be  burning  brightly.  "Get  my  ax 
from  under  the  seat,"  he  cried  excitedly.  As  an 
imaginary  ax  was  handed  him,  he  chopped  vigorously 
at  the  wall.  After  this  the  fire  was  considered  to  be 
put  out,  and  the  firemen  went  home.  In  a  few  minutes 
the  same  children  played  it  all  over  again.  This  time 
after  the  fire  was  put  out  one  of  the  firemen  went  to 
his  house  and  slept.  He  got  up,  drank  a  cup  of 
water,  and  returned  to  the  engine  house.  Here  he 
harnessed  his  horse  and  dashed  around  the  room  two 
or  three  times.  When  he  came  back  he  said,  "See 
the  new  shoes  I  got  him." 

As  interest  in  this  play  grew,  all  the  girls  and  boys 
in  the  playroom  became  a  part  of  it.  The  plot 
increased  in  complexity  from  day  to  day  as  different 
children  suggested  new  ideas.  More  stalls  were 
made,  ropes  were  coiled  to  represent  hose;  the  firemen 
slept  when  not  called  out;  a  policeman  walked  up  and 
down  near  by  and  gave  the  alarm.  It  became 
necessary  to  make  the  house-play  a  permanent  part 
of  each  fire  in  order  that  the  fire  department  could 
control  the  time  and  place  of  each  fire.  So  some  of 
the  family  agreed  to  go  to  bed  and  let  a  policeman 
discover  a  fire  in  their  dwelling.  This  policeman 
broke  the  door,  aroused  the  sleepers,  and  gave  out  the 
alarm.  The  firemen  jumped  out  of  their  beds  and 
the  horses  began  to  prance  and  were  quickly  harnessed 
to  an  express  wagon  into  which  a  fireman  threw  a  coil 
of  rope.  The  remaining  firemen  followed  in  the  hose- 
cart,  one  of  them  clanging  a  bell.  The  members  of 
the  family  stood  in  the  second  story  of  their  house  and 


146        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

were  rescued  by  a  brave  fireman  who  threw  them 
ropes  from  which  to  slide  to  the  ground  below.  The 
other  firemen  poured  water  on  the  house.  One  fire- 
man was  hurt  and  had  to  be  taken  to  a  hospital 
managed  by  some  girls.  Then  the  firemen  and  hose- 
cart  returned  home  and  prepared  for  another  fire. 

This  play  lasted  for  two  weeks.  It  is  interesting  to  see  how 
natural  it  was  to  select  a  real  fire  as  the  scene  of  the  conflagration. 
And  when  this  place  was  given  up  in  favor  of  a  site  where  a  family 
lived,  how  realistically  other  details  were  worked  out!  The  steps 
of  the  slide  became  the  second  story  of  a  house  and  real  rope  was  used 
as  hose.  A  bell  and  whistle  also  added  greatly  to  the  reality  of  the 
play.  All  these  points  are  of  significance  to  one  who  watches  the 
development  of  the  plot. 

4.  Fire  and  Hospital.  Andrew  School  Play- 
ground. —  A  large  number  of  children  who  were  play- 
ing ring  games  wanted  to  play  fire.  One  group  used 
the  circle  of  playmates  to  represent  a  house.  Another 
group  did  likewise.  Someone  suggested  having  some 
people  sleep  in  each  house,  so  the  two  children  who 
had  claimed  the  houses  selected  families.  One  boy 
wanted  to  be  a  policeman.  The  members  of  each 
family  lay  down  to  sleep  and  then  the  policeman 
shouted,  "Fire!  Fire!"  In  the  meantime,  several 
firemen  had  found  children  who  were  willing  to  be 
fire  horses  and  had  harnessed  them  up  in  ropes.  The 
fireman  now  drove  to  the  two  houses  and  worked 
vigorously  to  put  out  the  fires.  One  member  of  a 
family  was  hurt  in  making  his  escape  from  the  burn- 
ing house  and  was  rushed  off  to  a  hospital.  Here  his 
leg  was  pronounced  broken. 

It  is  quite  evidenl  that  these  children  were  accustomed  to  the 
kindergarten  gesture  plays;  in  perfectly  spontaneous  play,  a  ring  is 
not  usually  suggested  to  represent  a  house. 


CHAPTER   XI 

Playing  Animals 

Children  Imitate  the  Movements  and  Character- 
istics of  Animals.  —  The  world  is  full  of  the  wonder  of 
things  to  a  growing  boy  or  girl.  Butterflies,  bees, 
caterpillars,  birds,  frogs,  fish,  horses,  cows,  sheep,  and 
chickens  are  a  child's  natural  playmates.  He  feels  a 
kinship  with  these  living  things,  not  because  he 
possesses  by  instinct  a  presentiment  of  the  common 
source  of  life,  but  because  living,  moving  things 
challenge  his  attention;  worms  crawl  across  his 
path;  squirrels  scamper  away  at  his  approach;  ants 
build  their  homes  under  his  feet;  birds  twitter  above 
his  head;  butterflies  challenge  him  to  a  chase.  While 
he  can  neither  fly  like  a  bird  nor  swim  like  a  fish,  the 
child's  imagination  soars  aloft  with  the  swallow 
poised  on  high  and  penetrates  again  to  the  haunts 
where  the  darting  minnow  lives.  "I'm  a  bird!"  he 
cries,  as  he  skims  over  the  ground  with  outstretched 
arms,  flying  now  fast,  now  slowly;  hovering  near  the 
leafy  trees,  hopping  in  the  green  grass;  in  fact,  reliving 
and  reinterpreting  the  great  panorama  of  life  spread 
out  before  his  searching  eyes. 

What  Children  Copy.  —  What  children  copy  in  their 
dramatic  representation  of  animals  is  directly  related 
to  what  interests  them  and  claims  their  attention. 
And  since  the  child's  attention  varies  with  age,  sex, 
and  experience,  his  play  is  never  the  same.  There 
are,  however,  certain  significant  things  about  a  child's 

147 


14*        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

capacity  for  attention  which  apply  to  his  manner  of 

playing  animals,  and  certain  changes  can  with  a  fair 
degree  of  certainty  be  predicted  to  occur  with  age 
and  experience.  Little  children  notice  animals  he- 
cause  of  their  motion  and  their  novel  and  unexpected 
behavior.  The  sharp,  quick  contrasts  in  their  move- 
ments, some  in  water  and  some  on  land,  call  forth 
interest  and  attention.  A  fly  buzzing  by,  horses 
prancing  and  running,  birds  flying, — all  these  chal- 
lenge the  attention.  And  in  all  imitative-dramatic 
play  these  striking  or  characteristic  acts  of  animals 
are  seized  upon  and  copied;  dogs  bark  at  cats;  lions 
stalk  and  roar;  tigers  crouch  and  spring;  and  so  on 
through  the  cycle  of  actions  portraying  the  behavior 
of  animals. 

After  children  have  become  acquainted  with  animal 
life  through  watching  the  movements  and  behavior  of 
animals,  their  attention  spreads  out  to  embrace  the 
series  of  acts  which  are  characteristic  of  each  creature 
in  its  particular  environment.  How  a  bird  lives, 
what  it  eats,  how  it  gets  its  food,  where  it  finds  it,  are 
points  of  contact  which  develop  naturally  from 
excursions.  Kindergarten  games  are  made  up  of 
simple  contrasts  of  the  events  in  bird  and  animal  life. 
Birds  fly  and  hop,  eat,  bathe,  lay  eggs,  and  rear  their 
young.  House  dogs  bark  at  cats  and  strangers,  bury 
bones,  and  beg  for  food.  Caterpillars  crawl  and  spin, 
rest  in  cocoons,  then  emerge  as  butterflies.  Ponies 
prance  and  gallop,  are  rubbed  down,  fed,  and  put  in 
barns  for  the  night.  Lambs  graze  and  gambol. 
Circus  horses  dance  and  race  and  perform  various 
tricks. 


PLAYING  ANIMALS  1 49 

Why  Some  Kindergarten  Games  Violate  the  Mind's 
Laws  of  Attention.  —  Many  of  the  traditional  kinder- 
garten songs  and  games  violate  the  principles  of 
attention  as  exemplified  in  the  child's  interest  in 
motion  and  change  and  his  continuance  of  attention 
to  one  subject.  These  games  are  so  constructed  that 
they  represent  dull,  monotonous  behavior  of  animals 
with  few  contrasts  in  movement  and  are  continued  to 
the  point  where  interest  dwindles  entirely  away. 
Children  of  kindergarten  age  are  not  interested  in 
learning  "all"  about  birds,  or  squirrels,- or  horses. 
They  approach  these  creatures  from  the  standpoint  of 
expression;  squirrels  run  briskly  and  hunt  nuts;  birds 
fly,  hop,  and  dig  for  worms  or  insects.  In  helping 
children  to  understand  animals,  kindergartners  have 
never  emphasized  structure  at  the  expense  of  function 
as  some  primary  schools  have  shown  a  tendency  to  do. 
Holding  true  to  the  expression  type  of  play,  the 
kindergarten  has  emphasized  the  function  of  animals; 
it  has  shown  what  these  creatures  do  as  they  come  in 
contact  with  the  world.  It  has,  however,  as  has  just 
been  indicated,  built  up  plays  and  games  revealing  a 
whole  cycle  of  animal  behavior,  forgetful  of  the  fact 
that  an  adult  can  hold  in  the  focus  of  attention  a 
whole  series  of  thoughts,  but  that  a  child  centers  his 
attention  on  one  characteristic  of  that  object.  The 
kindergarten  game,  song,  or  rhythm  should  be  short, 
and  reveal  only  sharp  contrasts  in  movements  and 
acts.  With  age  and  development  of  thinking  capa- 
city, relationships  in  thought  are  built  up.  Even 
before  the  kindergarten  period  has  passed,  however, 
some  games  can  be  constructed  which  contain  a  series 


Play  Animals 


PLAYING  ANIMALS  151 

of  acts  arranged  in  a  certain  perspective  around  some 
point  of  dominant  interest. 

Appreciation  of  the  Value  of  Life.  —  Having  ap- 
proached animal  life  from  the  standpoint  of  expres- 
sion, the  child  readily  takes  the  step  to  the  why,  what, 
and  how.  Children  see  animal  behavior  in  relation  to 
their  own  social  contacts  and  only  gradually  come  to 
understand  the  kinship  of  all  living  things  through 
observing  their  mutual  dependence  and  their  individ- 
ual functions.  Only  when  children  see  the  usefulness 
of  each  creature  will  they  learn  to  respect  its  life  and 
pursue  it  with  eyes  and  camera  rather  than  with 
destroying  hands.  We  expect  too  much  from  children 
when  we  think  they  see  themselves  as  a  part  of  one 
great  living  universe.  It  requires  years  to  build  up 
this  conception. 

Ethical  Training  Through  Play  With  Animals. — 
The  ethical  values  arising  from  contact  with  animals 
develop  along  with  the  appreciational  values.  Kindli- 
ness may  be  developed  and  brutality  restrained.  In 
playing  with  animals,  as  well  as  in  dramatic  repre- 
sentation of  their  habits  and  activities,  children 
display  native  kindliness,  sympathy,  or  cruelty. 
Just  as  with  most  of  us  kindliness  predominates  over 
cruelty,  so  in  children's  relationships  with  animals  we 
see  kind  actions  imitated  most  frequently  in  childish 
play.  On  the  whole,  animals  are  petted  and  indulged 
by  children.  However,  there  are  times  when  children 
lack  sympathy  and  kindliness  because  for  the  time 
being  other  instincts  are  stronger.  For  example,  boys 
tie  tin  cans  to  a  stray  dog's  tail  in  order  to  indulge  in 
merriment.     For  the  time  being,  the  excitement  and 


152        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

fun  so  till  their  minds  that  their  imaginations  remain 
inactive;  they  fail  to  put  themselves  in  the  place  of  the 
creature  they  are  tormenting.  Children  often  kill 
birds  and  small  moving  creatures  unthinkingly  because 
the  impulse  to  throw  operates,  before  imagination 
pictures  the  physical  distress  of  the  life  to  be  de- 
stroyed. The  boys  described  in  the  playground 
record  as  chasing  and  killing  a  chicken  which  they 
found  scratching  up  their  garden  were  acting  upon  the 
impulse  operating  most  strongly  at  the  time  (p.  162). 
It  is  within  the  possibilities  of  supervised  play  to 
build  up  right  habits  of  sympathy  and  kindliness  by 
working  for  appreciation  through  observation  and 
the  care  of  pets.  For  example,  as  soon  as  children 
learn  what  ants  do  for  us  they  are  eager  to  protect  the 
tiny  creatures.  The  following  illustration  of  training 
in  sympathy  is  taken  from  the  writer's  records.  One 
day  a  mother  and  child  spied  a  young  robin  panting 
in  a  hedge  near  their  home.  The  mother  robin 
hovered  near,  protecting  her  young  by  threatening 
and  warning  cries.  The  boy  and  his  mother  decided 
to  leave  the  robins  alone  for  a  time,  thinking  the 
young  robin  might  recover  enough  to  fly  back  to  the 
tree.  The  mother  supposed  her  child  was  looking  at 
some  books.  Presently  he  appeared,  saying  excitedly, 
"The  robin  is  dead!  A  giant  came  into  the  yard  and 
killed  him!  Xo!  a  bad  boy  did  it."  A  visit  to  the 
hedge  revealed  two  of  the  boy's  Indian  clubs  lying  in 
close  proximity  to  the  dead  robin.  Without  com- 
ment the  mother  went  back  into  the  house  with  her 
four-and-a-half-year-old  boy.  Presently  she  said,  "I 
should   be  so  happy  to  know  what  really  happened 


PLAYING   ANIMALS 


153 


to  the  robin."  Feeling  her  sympathy,  the  boy 
exclaimed  enthusiastically,  "I  hit  the  robin  with  my 
Indian  club!  I  petted  him.  The  first  club  rolled 
away  so  I  threw  another!"  Realizing  that  the 
throwing  propensity  had  been  the  strongest  impulse 
operating,  the  mother  set  to  work  to  build  up  sym- 
pathy through  imagination.  She  pictured  the  poor 
mother  robin  looking  for  her  young  bird  and  finding  it 
dead.  She  took  her  boy  to  the  door  where  they 
listened  to  the  call  of  the  mother  robin.  Then  the 
boy's  mother  talked  about  the  useful  work  robins  do 
and  spoke  of  their  charming  songs.  Because  contact 
with  birds  was  likely  to  recur  again  and  again  in  the 


Learning  through  Observation 


154        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

boy's  life,  the  mother  decided  to  associate  punishment 
with  the  boy's  first  act  of  cruelty  to  birds.  The  boy 
was  sent  tipstairs  after  lunch  to  remain  until  his 
supper  time,  "lest  other  young  robins  should  be 
harmed."  When  the  boy  came  down  stairs  to  supper 
he  said,  "The  poor  mother  robin  is  looking  for  her 
little  bird!"  The  tones  of  the  boy's  voice  were  but  a 
reflex  imitation  of  the  ones  the  mother  had  used  in 
speaking  sympathetically  of  the  dead  bird.  The 
mother  realized  there  was  no  basis  for  permanent 
sympathy  between  the  child  and  birds,  and  set  to  work 
to  build  up  in  her  child's  mind  an  appreciation  of 
bird  life  through  feeding  the  birds  in  the  yard  and 
observing   their   habits. 

Parents  can  take  even  little  children  to  near-by  parks 
where  birds  of  many  varieties  can  be  seen;  where 
squirrels  will  feed  from  the  children's  hands  and  fish 
sport  in  the  fountains.  Much  can  be  accomplished  in 
these  early  contacts  with  living  things  to  establish  by 
example  a  sympathetic  approach.  True,  a  child's 
first  sympathetic  acts  are  purely  reflex  imitation,  but 
accompanied  by  training  in  observation,  native  kind- 
liness gradually  asserts  itself.  Both  kindliness  and 
sympathy  operate  in  the  midst  of  many  individualistic 
tendencies  and  require  parental  nurturing  to  wax  and 
grow  strong.  They  are  not  very  definite  tendencies  at 
best  and  are  easily  choked  by  selfish  ones.  To  retain 
them  and  adjust  them  to  useful  purposes  is  an  impor- 
tant duty  of  educators. 

Scientific  Values.  As  soon  as  children  arrive  at 
the  age  when  they  can  observe  the  characteristic 
features  of  an  animal's  habitat,  its  manner  of  securing 


Friends 


156        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

food  and  rearing  its  young,  and  even  its  structure, 
"nature  hikes"  are  of  great  advantage.  In  the  Pitts- 
burgh playgrounds  these  hikes  were  conducted  by 
nature-study  teachers  and  became  purposeful  excur- 
sions in  which  observation  and  the  camera  took  the 
place  of  chasing,  throwing,  and  killing.  Many  speci- 
mens, were  brought  home  alive  to  be  nurtured  in  a 
park  zoo.  It  was  noticed  that  as  soon  as  the  children's 
imaginations  were  trained  so  that  they  could  put  them- 
selves in  the  place  of  the  animal  studied,  killing  and 
wanton  chasing  occurred  less  frequently.  The  scien- 
tific value  of  these  nature  hikes  lies  almost  entirely  in 
the  habits  of  mind  the  child  forms.  Mere  getting 
acquainted  with  animals  and  pets  should  lead  to  the 
habit  of  identification  and  comparison  with  other 
similar  animals. 

Symbolism  not  Common  in  Children's  Portrayal  of 
Animal  Life.  —  Because  play  is  life  and  life  is  play,  no 
separation  is  made  in  the  records  between  plays  with 
real  animals  and  dramatic  representations  depicting 
their  lives  and  habits.  The  records  show  little 
symbolism.  Whatever  premonitions  of  kinship  with 
animal  life  occur  are  hidden  from  the  eyes  of  even  the 
trained  observer.  The  last  dramatic  play  described 
in  the  records  happened  to  be  the  only  dramatic  repre- 
sentation of  the  home  life  of  birds  which  was  recorded 
in  the  program  notes  of  thirty  playgrounds  for  a 
period  of  four  years.  A  perusal  of  the  records  of 
dramatic  represerutations  of  animals  reveals  the  pre- 
ponderant part  physical  activity  plays  in  animal 
games,  and  the  fact  that  most  dramatic  representations 
of  animals  end  in  chasing  games. 


PLAYING   ANIMALS  1 57 

The  Place  and  Significance  of  Constructive  Activi- 
ties in  Connection  With  Dramatic  Plays  of  Animals.— 

One  has  but  to  watch  the  spontaneous  play  of  children 
to  see  how  intimate  a  part  constructive  or  manip- 
ulative activities  assume  in  dramatic  plays.  Especi- 
ally in  plays  with  toy  or  real  animals,  or  in  impersona- 
tions of  animals,  we  see  the  hands  try  to  work  out 
through  plastic  materials  the  images  the  mind 
supplies.  Even  a  three-year-old  devises  some  kind  of 
shelter  for  his  toy  animals  and  pets.  The  records 
show  how  spontaneously  children  invent  crude  cos- 
tumes and  accessories  to  make  the  role  they  are 
enacting  more  realistic. 

Constructive  Activities  Which  may  be  Used  to 
Assist  Kindergarten  Children  in  the  Observation  and 
Care  of  Animals.  —  For  children  of  kindergarten  age, 
clay,  wood,  cardboard,  and  paper  are  the  best  plastic 
materials  to  use  for  constructive  work  related  to  the 
care  of  domestic  pets  and  animals.  In  connection 
with  bird  observation,  children  of  kindergarten  age 
like  to  make  nests  and  eggs  and  birds  of  clay,  to  build 
bird  houses  of  cardboard,  to  make  feeders  and  foun- 
tains, and  to  play  out  dramas  describing  bird  life.  In 
this  way  they  find  out  about  the  habits  of  birds  in  the 
neighborhood  and  learn  to  identify  a  few  birds  and  to 
see  their  manner  of  securing  food,  shelter,  and  pro- 
tection. 

Animal  Life.  —  Nearly  every  kindergarten  is  sup- 
plied with  a  menagerie  made  of  cardboard  or  rubberoid 
and  with  a  set  of  toy  animals.  The  children  build 
shelter  for  these  animals,  in  this  way  learning  a  few 
facts  about  the  homes  of  the  wild  animals,  how  they 


158        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

prepare  for  cold  weather,  how  domestic  animals  are 
pastured,  and  how  domestic  pets  are  cared  for,  as 
well  as  how  animals  arc  cared  for  in  the  zoo.  Clay, 
cardboard,  paper,  and  paint  are  also  used  in  expression 
work  to  depict  the  habits  and  habitats  of  the  birds  and 
animals  observed. 

Constructive  Activities  Assist  Children  of  the 
Primary  Grades  in  the  Observation  of  Animals.  —  As 
soon  as  children  can  be  taken  on  walks  or  excursions 
by  their  teachers,  they  plan  and  execute  many  proj- 
ects which  assist  them  in  the  pursuit  and  capture  of 
animals.  The  following  is  a  list  of  toy  models  made 
by  children  from  seven  to  ten  years  of  age  in  connec- 
tion with  supervised  hikes  planned  by  the  nature-study 
department  of  the  Pittsburgh  Playground  Association: 
fish  nets,  polliwog  nets,  butterfly  nets,  ants'  nests, 
aquaria,  vivaria,  developing  cages,  mounting  boards, 
bird  houses,  pigeon  houses,  squirrel  cages,  bird  cages, 
cages  for  white  mice,  dog  houses,  rabbit  pens,  traps, 
fishing  tackle,  bait  cages,  and  box  traps. 

An  Outline  of  Study  Relative  to  the  Use  of  Such 
Play  Models. —  In  a  recent  publication  are  offered 
some  very  complete  outlines  for  the  study  of  animal 
life.  The  author  has  followed  the  functional  point  of 
view.  For  the  teacher  who  knows  how  to  use  the 
suggestions  in  a  spontaneous  way  the  outline  may  be 
most  helpful,  and  is  for  this  reason  referred  to  in  this 
study  of  spontaneous  play.1 

1  A.  M.  Krackowizer:  Projects  in  the  Primary  Grades,  pp.  120-154. 


PLAYING  ANIMALS  1 59 

Records  of  Animal  Plays 

i.  Fish.  Outdoor  Playroom,  New  York  City. — 
A  child  stood  on  some  steps  and  threw  a  rope  out 
toward  several  children  who  were  "fish  swimming" 
on  the  floor.  Two  fish  came  up  to  bite  and  the 
fisherman  tugged  with  all  his  might  to  pull  them  in. 
"I'm  a  shark,"  said  one  child  as  he  fastened  himself 
on  to  the  rope;  "catch  me!" 

Although  this  game  was  one  of  great  physical  activity,  the 
dramatic  interest  was  none  the  less  keen. 

2.  The  Duck's  Swimming  Lesson.  Ralston  School 
Playground.  —  A  little  boy  brought  his  pet  duck  to 
the  playground  and  put  it  in  a  tank  used  for  water 
plays.  He  proceeded  to  give  it  a  swimming  lesson 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  the  duck  profited  nothing 
by  the  instructions,  but  reacted  to  the  water  in  typical 
duck  fashion. 

3.  Rabbits.  Junction  Hollow  Playground.  —  A 
woman  living  just  opposite  the  playground  had  a 
pair  of  rabbits  in  her  back  yard.  Every  day  the 
children  watched  the  rabbits  and  became  more  and 
more  interested.  One  day  the  rabbits  escaped  from 
the  cage.  The  children  chased  them  and  brought 
them  back.  Then  they  wanted  to  play  rabbit.  The 
natural  thing,  of  course,  was  to  construct  a  game  tell- 
ing the  story  of  the  playground  rabbits.  First  the 
children  were  satisfied  to  sit  up  on  two  feet  and  to 
hop,  run,  and  eat.  Then  they  wanted  a  cage;  several 
children  made  one  by  joining  hands.  This  at  once 
gave  a  new  incentive  to  the  rabbits,  who  began  to 
try  to  climb  out  over  and  under  the  children's  arms. 


160        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

One  of  the  rabbits  broke  through  and  the  children 
forming  a  cage  ran  after  it.  This  freed  the  other 
rabbits  and  a  general  chase  ensued.  Each  child  who 
caught  a  rabbit  brought  it  back,  and  then  the  children 
discovered  there  was  no  cage.  One  boy  said  that 
those  who  made  the  cage  ought  to  keep  in  their 
places,  while  the  others  chased.  This  worked  very 
well.  The  play  leader  suggested  that  each  child 
capturing  a  rabbit  should  take  this  rabbit's  place  in 
the  next  game,  while  the  rabbit  caught  should  take 
the  place  of  some  child  who  was  part  of  the  cage. 

One  day  the  play  leader  added  zest  to  the  game  by 
changing  the  words  of  Rabbit  In  the  Hollow  to  follow 
the  game  the  children  had  constructed.  The  children 
made  rabbit  caps  with  long  ears  and  played  with 
great  interest  the  following  chasing  game: 

Rabbits  in  the  yard  sit  and  sleep; 
Children  in  the  playground  nearer  creep. 
Little  Rabbit,  have  a  care. 
Far  away  out  there- 
Quickly  to  your  homes 
You  must  run.,  run,  run. 

This  play  is  an  interesting  example  of  the  evolution  of  a  game  of 
skill.  Many  of  our  traditional  games  of  skill  were  originally  dra- 
matic games  which  have  now  lost  their  content  and  meaning. 

4.  Butterflies  and  Grasshoppers.  Greenfield 
School  Playground.  These  children  played  on  a 
wide  stretch  of  grass  at  the  top  of  a  hill.  Here  they 
had  a  chance  to  sit  under  the  trees,  where  occasionally 
they  observed  ants  and  bees,  butterflies  and  grass- 
hoppers. One  day  some  children  began  to  hop  like 
grasshoppers   and   to   chase   each   other   around   and 


PLAYING  ANIMALS  l6l 

around.  The  play  leader  suggested  that  some  be 
butterflies  and  chase  the  grasshoppers.  This  idea 
was  greeted  with  great  delight.  At  first  the  chase  was 
aimless.  Then  someone  said,  "Let's  pair  off."  So 
each  butterfly  chose  a  grasshopper  and  at  a  given 
signal  the  butterfly  flew  and  the  grasshopper  leapt 
toward  a  goal.  Generally  the  butterflies  won,  be- 
cause of  the  difficulties  of  locomotion  in  hopping;  so  a 
handicap  became  necessary. 

This  game  grew  in  interest  and  was  finally  used  at 
a  "game-fest."  Butterfly  and  grasshopper  caps  were 
made  of  colored  crepe  paper  and  added  much  to  the 
dramatic  interest  of  the  game. 

5.  Reindeer.  Ormsby  Park  Playroom.  —  A  rein- 
deer, a  boy  of  five,  was  running  about  the  playroom. 
A  little  girl  reached  out  her  hand  to  pet  him  and 
straightway  four  other  reindeer  appeared.  A  boy 
arranged  a  cave  out  of  chairs  and  called  out,  "Here, 
here,  come  and  live  here!"  "We  ain't  bears,  we're 
reindeer,"  replied  one  child.  He  allowed  himself  to 
be  enticed  into  the  cave,  however,  and  lay  down 
there.  Soon  he  ran  out  and  joined  the  other  reindeer, 
who  were  grazing  near  by.  Again  the  boy  of  the 
cave  called,  "Come  on,  Father  Reindeer!"  "We 
ain't  Father  Reindeer,"  said  a  boy  of  seven,  "we're 
just  reindeer."  Then  the  reindeer  began  to  scramble 
around  widely  and  knock  into  some  little  girls  who 
were  watching  them.  "Let's  be  goats,"  suggested 
one  boy;  "then  we  can  horn  and  butt."  So  all 
dashed  madly  around  the  room,  trying  to  butt  the 
little  girls,  who  hid  behind  each  other  screaming 
and  laughing.     After  the  fun  had  subsided,  the  play 


1 62        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

leader  made  a  chalk  mark  across  the  room  and  sug- 
gested that  the  reindeer  live  on  one  side  and  the  goats 
on  the  other.  This  led  to  a  great  scrambling  and 
chasing.  Whenever  either  ventured  on  the  other's 
territory,  the  one  getting  caught  had  to  help  the 
other  side.     The  sides  kept  about  even. 

Here  is  an  example  of  spontaneous  dramatic  play.  Butting  and 
chasing  were  the  points  of  the  game;  that  dramatic  interest  was 
subservient  to  the  use  of  oppositional  force  is  indicated  by,  "Let's 
be  goats,  then  we  can  horn  and  butt." 

6.  Chicken.  Junction  Hollow  Playground.  —  One 
day  the  boys  had  worked  hard  to  make  a  garden  on  the 
playground.  That  night  a  chicken  got  in  and 
scratched  up  the  seed.  Some  boys  living  near  by  saw 
the  disaster  and,  running  after  the  chicken,  killed  it. 
Then  the  woman  who  owned  the  chicken  came  out 
and  scolded  the  boys.  The  next  day  this  story  was 
related  to  the  play  leader  with  great  excitement. 
She  reprimanded  the  boys  for  killing  the  chicken  but 
encouraged  them  to  watch  the  garden.  She  then  set 
the  boys  to  work  making  a  fence  out  of  sticks  and  a 
string.  That  day  the  children  constructed  a  chicken 
game.  One  piece  of  ground  was  marked  out  for  the 
garden,  another  for  the  woman's  house,  and  still 
another  for  the  boys'  house.  A  boy  became  the 
chicken ;  he  ran  into  the  garden  and  started  to  scratch 
up  the  earth.  This  was  a  sign  for  the  boys  to  begin 
their  chasing,  which  continued  until  the  chicken  was 
caught.  The  boy  who  succeeded  in  catching  the 
chicken  became  chicken,  but  if  any  boy  was  caught  by 
the  woman  he  had  to  help  her  chase  the  other  boys. 


PLAYING   ANIMALS  1 63 

Another  example  of  the  spontaneous  development  of  a  game  of 
skill  from  a  dramatic  event. 

7.  Birds.  Ormsby  Park  Playground.  —  The  chil- 
dren became  much  interested  in  watching  a  family  of 
young  birds  living  just  outside  the  playground. 
Every  day  they  saw  the  father  and  mother  birds 
feeding  and  caring  for  their  young.  One  day  the 
children  played  birds.  Four  of  them  were  baby 
birds,  while  two  more  were  mother  and  father." 
They  flew  around  getting  worms,  which  they  dropped 
into  the  open  mouths  of  the  baby  birds.  Since  the 
children  had  not  seen  the  birds  learn  to  fly,  the  play 
leader  brought  pictures  the  next  day  to  supply  this 
experience.  After  that  it  seemed  natural  and  easy 
to  introduce  the  game  "One  Little  Birdie  Learned  to 
Fly." 


CHAPTER    XII 
A  Miscellaneous  Collection  of  Dramatic  Plays 

i.  Shoemaker.  Lawrence  Park  Playroom.  - 
Two  boys  wanted  to  be  shoemakers.  They  enclosed 
a  space  with  chairs  and  brought  in  a  table  to  use  as  a 
work-bench.  They  made  shoe  soles  out  of  paper. 
Some  little  girls  who  were  playing  house  near  by  came 
over  to  order  some  shoes  for  their  dolls;  they  left  the 
dolls  to  be  measured.  The  shoemaker  stood  the  dolls 
up  on  a  piece  of  paper  and  traced  on  paper  some 
shoes  to  fit  the  dolls'  feet.  With  the  tapping  of  a 
little  hammer  the  shoes  were  put  on  the  dolls'  feet,  a 
little  paste  serving  to  fasten  them  on  securely.  Soon 
the  mother  came  back,  inspected  the  shoes,  and  paid 
for  them  in  paper  money.  The  shoemakers  now 
added  a  shoe-shining  department  to  their  -tore.  After 
a  while,  two  more  mothers  appeared  with  dolls  to  be 
fitted  to  shoes.  At  noon,  the  shoemakers  closed  their 
shop  by  placing  a  chair  in  front  of  the  open  door. 
They  went  home  and  ate  an  imaginary  dinner  served 
by  three  .uirls.  In  the  meantime  some  one  broke  into 
the  store.  The  elder  shoemaker  caught  and  put  out 
the  roDber;  then  both  the  shoemakers  returned  to 
their  work. 

This  play  continued  for  forty  minutes,  although  the  two  boys 
serving  as  shoemakers  were  left  entirely  alone  for  the  last  twenty 
minutes.  They  seldom  looked  up  from  their  occupations,  although 
all  the  other  children.  a1 1  racted  by  a  new  slide,  were  playing  noisily 
near  by.  This  record  shows  the  type  of  play  characteristic  of  a 
child  of  kindergarten  age  who  is  allowed  to  construct  his  plot  with 
very  little  suggestion. 

164 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  1 65 

2.  The  Elves  and  the  Shoemaker.  Lawrence 
Park  Playroom. l  —  This  play  grew  out  of  the 
children's  interest  in  the  shoemaker  and  his  work  and 
activities,  and  was  the  culminating  and  artistic 
expression  of  that  interest. 

Previous  to  the  development  of  the  play  the  chil- 
dren had  visited  a  shoemaker's  shop  and  through  con- 
versation, pictures,  and  play  had  gained  some  real 
idea  and  appreciation  of  the  life  and  activities  of  the 
shoemaker  and  his  importance  in  the  community. 
It  was  about  this  time  that  the  children  became  very 
fond  of  the  story  of  the  Shoemaker  and  the  Elves, 
or  the  Brownies  and  the  Shoemaker,  as  they  called  it, 
a  story  which  I  told  them  several  times  and  then  let 
them  tell  me,  one  child  telling  as  much  as  he  cared  to, 
or  could  remember,  the  next  child  continuing  from 
where  the  last  narrator  left  off.  Thus  the  children 
became  very  familiar  with  the  story  and  there  was 
enthusiastic  acquiescence  in  my  suggestion  that  we 
play  it  out. 

A  shoemaker  and  his  wife  were  chosen.  They  im- 
mediately set  about  arranging  their  shop.  The  piano 
stool  was  used  for  the  shoemaker's  bench,  a  small 
kindergarten  chair  served  for  his  stool,  and  a  kindly 
janitor  was  importuned  into  lending  his  hammer. 
The  brownies  departed  to  brownie  land,  which  was  a 
room  opening  out  of  the  playroom,  and  the  door  was 
immediately  metamorphosed  into  a  window  through 
which  the  brownies  entered  the  home  of  the  shoe- 
maker. 

1  This  play  was  developed  and  written  up  by  Catherine  Swartz. 


1 66        SPONTANEOUS   AXO   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

When  we  began  playing,  the  children  seemed  to 
experience  surprisingly  little  difficulty  in  rinding 
words  to  express  what  they  wished  to  say.  This  was 
probably  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  they  knew  the 
story  so  well,  and  that  rather  than  make  our  story 
merely  descriptive  we  had  incorporated  the  conversa- 
tion of  the  elves,  the  shoemaker,  and  his  wife  into  it. 
With  the  action  it  was  different;  for  though  spon- 
taneous, it  was  often  awkward.  But  the  children  as 
a  group  were  quick  to  see  where  improvements  might 
be  made  and  to  offer  suggestions.  Such  questions 
from  myself  as,  "What  do  you  suppose  the  shoe- 
maker's wife  would  be  doing  while  the  shoemaker  was 
working  at  his  bench?"  or  "How  does  your  father 
work  when  he  is  tired?"  would  bring  a  response  from 
every  child  and  the  one  we  as  a  group  thought  best 
would  almost  unconsciously  be  incorporated  into  our 
little  play.  So  from  a  crude  little  dramatization  it 
grew  into  quite  a  playlet,  of  which  the  children  never 
seemed  to  weary. 

We  were  especially  fortunate  in  obtaining  from  the 
children's  library  a  set  of  large,  beautifully  conceived 
pictures  depicting  a  party  given  by  the  elves  to  the 
fairies.  These  pictures,  better  than  any  verbal  de- 
scription could  possibly  do,  gave  the  children  a  clear 
image  of  what  funny,  fun-loving,  mischievous  little 
people  brownies  are  conceived  to  be. 

The  play  as  it  was  finally  dramatized  was  in  three 
parts,  the  shoemaker's  shop  being  the  scene  of  them 
all: 

a.  The  husband  works  at  his  bench  while  the  wife 
sweep-  and  dusts.     The  husband  says  he  is  tired  and 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  167 

doesn't  see  any  use  in  working  so  hard  when  no  one 
buys  his  shoes  anyhow;  the  wife,  putting  her  arm 
around  him,  tries  to  cheer  him  up,  predicts  better 
fortune  for  the  morrow,  and  goes  out  to  prepare 
supper,  to  which  she  soon  calls  her  husband.  Re- 
turning to  the  shop  they  decide  that  as  it  is  getting 
dark  and  late  they  will  go  to  bed.  This  they  do. 
Just  as  the  clock  finishes  striking  twelve,  the  brownies 
come  leaping  through  the  window  and  dance  about  the 
room,  poking  their  fingers  and  noses  into  everything 
they  see.  One  finds  the  shoemaker's  hammer  and  an 
unmade  pair  of  shoes,  and,  thinking  it  great  fun,  glee- 
fully calls  the  others  to  come  and  help  him  play  shoe- 
maker. At  cockcrow,  when  they  are  forced  to  depart, 
they  leave  behind  a  finished  pair  of  shoes  of  exquisite 
workmanship. 

b.  The  next  morning  the  shoemaker  enters  his 
workshop  and  is  delighted  to  find  in  the  place  of  the 
cut  leather  he  had  left  the  previous  night,  a  pair  of 
exquisitely  made  shoes.  He  calls  his  wife,  who  is 
equally  pleased,  and  predicts  an  early  purchaser. 
The  shoes  have  scarcely  been  placed  in  the  show 
window  when  a  customer  enters  the  shop  and  buys  the 
shoes,  paying  a  good  price  for  them.  The  shoemaker 
and  his  wife  are  in  great  glee  and  hurry  off  to  town  ;  he, 
to  buy  leather  for  more  shoes;  she,  provisions  for  the 
house.  On  their  return  he  says  that  he  will  cut  out 
leather  while  she  prepares  supper.  As  on  the  previous 
night,  supper  over,  they  retire  to  bed,  having  decided 
before  going  that  they  would  sleep  with  one  eye  open 
in  the  hope  of  seeing  their  mysterious  friend,  should 
he  come  again.     The  brownies  return  and  this  time 


1 68        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

make  all  the  shoes  for  which  the  shoemaker  has  cut 
leather,  departing  as  before  at  cockcrow. 

c.  The  shoemaker  and  his  wife  talk  over  the 
situation  the  next  morning  and  as  a  mark  of  gratitude 
decide  to  make  a  little  suit  and  pair  of  shoes  for  each 
of  their  little  naked  friends.  They  finish  the  suits  by 
nightfall  and  spread  them  about  the  workshop  before 
retiring.  The  brownies,  who  come  back  to  play  shoe- 
maker, find  the  suits  and  have  a  glorious  time  arraying 
themselves  in  them.  When  they  have  all  put  them 
on,  they  join  hands  and  dance  about  the  shoemaker's 
bench,  and  as  a  final  expression  of  joy  perform  the  shoe- 
makers' dance,  the  traditional  dance  which,  through 
pantomime,  shows  the  activities  of  the  shoemaker. 
Just  as  they  finish,  the  cock  crows  and  the  brownies 
disappear    through    the    window,   never    to  return. 

The  repetition  of  situation,  action,  and  speech,  the  great  amount 
of  activity,  and  the  fact  that  all  the  children  of  a  group  can  take 
part  make  this  story  ideal  for  use  with  a  large  group. 

3.  Blacksmith.  Lewis  Playground. — After  a  visit 
to  the  blacksmith  shop  the  children  asked  to  play 
blacksmith.  Some  girls  assumed  the  role  of  mothers 
of  families  living  in  different  homes.  Two  boys  kept 
the  blacksmith  shop.  Another  boy  had  a  livery 
stable  and  took  care  of  the  horses  belonging  to  all  the 
families.  Other  children  took  the  part  of  horses. 
The  mothers  went  after  the  horses  and  took  their 
children  for  a  drive.  Something  always  happened  to 
the  horses'  hoofs;  this  occasioned  a  visit  tc  the  black- 
smith shop,  whore  new  shoes  were  put  on.  The  black- 
smith took  each  hoof  between  his  legs  and  nailed  on  a 
new  shoe. 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  1 69 

4.  Street  Cleaners.  Washington  Park  Play- 
ground. —  Two  boys  swept  and  cleaned  the  play- 
ground every  day.  Each  time  they  demanded  pay 
and  were  given  paper  money.  They  took  this  to  the 
store  and  with  it  purchased  sand  cakes,  pies,  or  bread. 

5.  Livery  Stable.  Homewood  School  Play- 
ground. —  One  child  was  the  liveryman.  He  induced 
other  children  to  be  horses  in  his  stable.  Every  few 
minutes  he  fed  them,  then  drove  them  out  to  a  water- 
ing trough  to  drink.  One  of  the  horses  kicked  and 
jumped,  so  had  to  be  broken  in.  The  liveryman  tried 
out  the  other  horses  in  teams  of  twos  and  threes.  A 
man  came  to  the  livery  stable  to  buy  a  horse.  The 
liveryman  showed  off  all  the  horses  until  the  purchaser 
found  one  that  suited  him. 

6.  A  Telephone  Play.  Arsenal  Park  Play- 
ground. —  Some  little  girls  were  playing  house.  A 
pay  telephone  happened  to  be  located  in  one  of  their 
houses,  but  of  course  the  children  were  not  allowed 
to  take  down  the  receiver.  So  they  planned  to  have  a 
telephone  of  their  own.  By  placing  a  chair  under- 
neath the  telephone  the  children  could  reach  the 
mouthpiece.  A  receiver  was  constructed  from  a 
ribbon  bolt  and  string,  and  the  telephone  was  then 
connected  with  other  houses.  Then  each  member  of 
the  family  took  turns  using  the  line.  They  called  up 
members  of  the  other  household,  inquired  after  the 
babies,  discussed  the  housework,  and  invited  each 
other  to  call. 

7.  Telephone  Play.  A  Home  Play  —  The  desk 
telephone  was  elaborate.  It  was  made  by  sewing  two 
cardboard  rolls  together  and  attaching  a  funnel-shaped 


I  JO        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

mouthpiece.  The  telephone  was  pinned  to  a  table 
and  a  small  cardboard  roll  attached  for  a  receiver.  A 
eon!  connected  the  receiver  with  a  similar  telephone  in 
another  part  of  the  room.  One  day  the  following  play 
occurred.  A  seated  herself  at  the  desk  and  called 
central.  B  answered.  "Let's  have  the  line  busy 
before  we  begin,"  said  A.  "All  right!"  answered  B. 
After  several  calls  and  reports  of  "line  busy,"  A 
succeeded  in  getting  her  number.  B  then  took  the 
place  of  the  person  called.  "Hello!"  said  B  and 
waited.  "Is  this  L's  grocery?"  asked  A.  "Yes," 
came  the  answer.  Then  A  replied,  "This  is  Mrs.  A's 
residence.  Won't  you  send  me  a  pound  of  butter 
and  a  loaf  of  bread?  How  much  are  bananas?" 
"Fifteen  cents  a  dozen."  "You  may  send  me  half  a 
dozen."  "Yes,  that  is  all  for  to-day."  "All  right, 
Airs.  A,"  B  replied,  "I'll  send  them  right  over." 

A  learned  to  use  the  telephone  by  playing  this  game.  Previous 
to  this  time  she  had  been  timid  about  using  the  telephone.  Con- 
versing with  the  other  children  also  helped  to  sharpen  her  mind  for 
ready  answers  to  questions. 

8.  Fishing.  Lawrence  Park  Playroom.  One  day 
the  children  began  spontaneously  to  play  boating. 
Some  put  tin-  seats  of  two  chairs  together  and  sat  on 
one  chair  with  their  feet  on  another.  Other  children 
played  that  the  tables  were  boats.  They  used  toy 
brooms  for  oars  and  rowed  vigorously.  Each  child 
had  a  rope  which  he  played  was  a  fishline.  He  tied 
this  line  to  his  arm  or  to  the  boat  and  threw  it  out 
into  the  water  toward  blocks  scattered  here  and 
there  on  tlie  floor  to  represent  fish.  Whenever  a 
rope  touched  a  fish   it   was  considered  caught.     If  a 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  171 

child  wanted  to  land,  the  fish  line  became  a  rope  and 
was  used  to  tie  the  boat  to  the  dock.  Some  children 
took  the  fish  to  their  houses  and  cooked  them  for 
dinner. 

9.  Boats  and  Diving.  Lewis  Playground. — Three 
boys  found  a  broad  board  near  the  playground  and 
used  it  for  a  boat.  With  brooms  for  oars  they  rowed 
long  and  vigorously.  After  a  while  they  took  some  of 
the  girls  out  rowing.  The  girls  sang  ''Lightly  Row" 
while  the  boys  worked  at  the  oars.  Another  day  the 
boys  used  the  board  as  a  skiff,  carrying  it  on  their 
shoulders  around  rapids  and  across  narrow  passes. 
After  a  while  it  became  a  diving  board  from  which 
the  boys  jumped  into  an  imaginary  lake  and  then 
swam  around.  About  a  week  afterward  the  same 
board  was  placed  on  a  stump  and  converted  into  a 
merry-go-round . 

10.  Ship  Play.  Washington  Park  Playroom.  — 
The  smooth  inclined  plane  belonging  to  the  children's 
slide  happened  to  be  moved  temporarily  to  the  boys' 
playroom.  It  had  never  been  there  before  and  the 
boys  were  having  great  fun  rolling  balls  up  and  down 
its  smooth  surface.  By  and  by  six  children  got  astride 
the  slide  and  said  they  were  on  a  boat.  Brooms  were 
pressed  into  service  as  oars  and  the  rowing  was  ac- 
companied by  a  spontaneous  chorus  of  "Ah!"  One 
boy  jumped  out,  seized  a  flag,  and  waved  it  at  those 
still  rowing.  Then  all  got  out,  but  the  self-imposed 
leader,  still  waving  the  flag,  made  them  get  back  into 
the  boat.  Someone  suggested  that  water  was  all 
around  them.  One  of  the  rowers  immediately  fell 
out  of  the  boat  and  began  to  swim ;  the  others  followed 


\-2        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

his  example.  ( )ne  hoy  got  into  a  large  box  which  stood 
near  and  pushed  it  along  the  floor;  immediately  the 
rowers'  oars  became  guns  and  all  shot  "  Bang!  Bang!" 
at   the  boy  in  the  skiff.     Then  the  swimming  began 

again. 

This  play  lasted  about  half  an  hour.  It  was  arranged  by  a 
group  of  Italian  and  colored  boys  about  seven  to  nine  years  old 
and  was  a  very  spontaneous  play.  It  does  not  show  a  high  level  of 
intelligence.  The  primitive  "Ah!  Ah!"  of  the  rowers  was  a  most 
interesting  example  of  spontaneous  rhythm  accompanying  an 
enjoyable  activity. 

ii.  Dressmaking.  Washington  Park  Play- 
room.' -  It  took  a  long  time  to  invent  a  sewing 
machine,  but  when  it  stood  complete  it  was  certainly  a 
glorious  achievement  from  the  children's  point  of  view. 
A  large  chair  made  a  good  framework.  Two  blocks 
for  pedals  were  tipped  upon  a  low  front  rung  of  the 
chair  in  such  a  way  that  the  little  seamstress  could 
really  make  them  go.  A  couple  ot  spools  placed 
upright  a  little  distance  apart  on  the  chair  seat  and 
connected  by  a  piece  of  heavy  wire  stood  for  upright 
and  horizontal  shafts.  To  the  right,  on  one  end  of  the 
spool,  hung  a  circle  ot  rope  for  a  wheel,  while  a  piece  ot 
heavy  twine  suspended  below  suggested  a  belt.  As 
fast  as  the  seamstress  sewed,  the  cutter  and  fitter 
supplied  her  with  newspaper  and  tissue-paper  dresses 
for  both  children  and  dolls. 

By  way  of  variety,  the  trade  room  changed  one  day 
to  a  home  scene  where  sat  a  sewing  party.  In  the 
kitchen  near  by  the  food  was  prepared  and  cooked  on 
tiny    stoves.     A    table    was    soon    put    in    readiness. 

1  Described  by  Hazel  Meanor. 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  1 73 

Spool  candlesticks  with  lavender  shades  stood  in  the 
center  of  the  table,  while  beside  each  of  their  places  a 
miniature  candle  was  placed  as  a  favor.  The  guests 
stopped  sewing  when  luncheon  was  announced.  The 
hostess  and  guests  seated  themselves  with  due 
ceremony.  A  waitress  in  cap  and  apron  served  in 
proper  style.  But  alas!  when  it  was  time  for  dessert, 
the  ice  cream  had  not  come.  The  hostess  telephoned, 
but  to  no  avail.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but  pass 
the  cookies,  which  was  done  by  the  hostess  herself. 
Then  the  serving  began  all  over  again.  When  the 
guests  went  home,  one  was  heard  to  remark,  "Let's 
have  another  sewing  party  tomorrow." 

Real  cookies  were  served;  the  ice  cream  was  imaginary. 

12.     Train.     Lawrence      Park     Playroom.  —  Two 

kindergarten  tables  with  long  sides  placed  together 
made  an  excellent  car.  Chairs  arranged  in  rows  of  two 
were  placed  on  top  the  tables.  A  small  stand  in  front 
of  the  car  became  the  coal  car.  The  engineer  sat  in 
front  of  the  coal  car  and  manipulated  the  piano  stool 
as  a  brake.  The  fireman  shoveled  coal  into  the 
engine,  using  a  broom  for  a  shovel.  In  the  meantime, 
the  station  at  the  other  end  of  the  room  was  filling  up 
with  people.  The  steps  of  the  slide  became  a  ticket 
office,  where  an  agent  was  kept  busy  preparing  paper 
tickets  for  the  long  line  of  passengers.  Every 
passenger  was  asked  where  he  wished  to  go  and  was 
requested  to  show  money  before  a  ticket  was  given 
him.  When  all  had  secured  tickets,  the  caller 
announced  the  train.  Most  of  the  passengers  de- 
posited   their    baggage,    consisting    largely    of    dolls' 


174        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

raits,  in  the  baggage  car  under  the  table.  After  the 
passengers  had  seated  themselves  the  conductor 
walked  down  the  aisle  and  collected  the  tickets.  The 
engineer  sat  in  his  cab  and  applied  the  brakes.  The 
brakeman  stood  in  the  rear  of  the  car  and  signaled 
with  a  flag  and  lantern  to  a  switchman  near  by. 
Whenever  the  train  was  supposed  to  change  tracks  a 
chair  was  moved  from  one  place  to  another  to  repre- 
sent the  switch.  By  and  by  the  brakeman  called, 
•'Mexico."  All  the  passengers  got  off  and  stood  in 
a  line  waiting  for  their  baggage.  The  train  crew 
went  to  the  station  to  draw  their  pay. 

Suggestions  for  Promoting  Manual  Activities  in 
Connection  with  the  Plays  Recorded 

Dramatic  Plays  Involve  Constructive  Activities.  — 
It  is  almost  impossible  to  separate  the  construct ive 
plays  from  the  dramatic,  so  intimately  does  one  type 
of  expression  weave  itself  into  the  other.  When  a 
spontaneous  dramatic  play  springs  up  the  tendency  is 
to  use  some  static  object  in  the  environment  as  a 
background;  to  convert  a  chair  into  a  boat,  a  sofa  into 
an  island,  a  hall  closet  into  the  retreat  of  bears.  The 
attention  is  likely  first  to  be  centered  upon  the  dra- 
matic. Interest,  however,  often  turns  to  the  details  of 
the  objects  or  events  represented.  Then  is  the 
teacher's  opportunity  to  assisl  in  constructive  proj- 
ects; to  supply  suggestive  materials  and  pictures  lor 
these  projects,  leaving  to  the  children  the  initiative 
as  to  ways  and  means  and  the  uses  of  materials. 

In  the  shoemaker  play  the  children  att<  mpt  to  make 
the  shoes  they   wish    to  sell.     The   blacksmith   play 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  1 75 

involved  the  construction  of  a  shop  equipment  with 
the  necessary  tools  to  carry  on  the  work  of  the  black- 
smith. The  telephone  play  involved  some  construc- 
tive skill  in  planning  and  making  a  telephone;  fishing 
required  the  building  of  boats;  dressmaking  involved 
making  a  sewing  machine;  and  the  other  plays  re- 
corded could  easily  develop  manual  projects.  It  is 
almost  impossible  to  conceive  a  dramatic  play  which 
does  not  involve  some  use  of  manual  activities  to 
embellish  the  mental  imagery. 

1.  Shoemaker.  —  In  this  play  the  boys,  who  were 
about  six  or  seven  years  of  age,  could  have  been 
stimulated  to  build  out  of  blocks  or  boxes  a  little 
store,  and  to  equip  it  with  tools  resembling  those 
used  by  the  shoemaker.  Shoes  in  the  form  of  sandals 
could  have  been  cut  from  cardboard  to  fit  the  chil- 
dren's feet,  then  sewed  into  permanent  form.  Not 
only  would  the  children  acquire  a  fair  degree  of  skill, 
but  they  would  enjoy  making  shoes  for  customers. 
The  making  of  shoes  for  real  people  involves  a  larger 
social  purpose  than  the  mere  cutting  and  pasting  of 
dolls'  shoes.  Shoe-polishing  could  have  been  of  the 
commercial  type  instead  of  being  mere  make-believe 
play.  The  making  of  toy  money  could  have  been 
incorporated  into  the  play.  This  involves  skill  in 
tracing  and  cutting  and  could  have  been  done  by  a 
group  outside  the  store.  The  cardboard  coins  must  re- 
semble real  quarters,  fifty-cent  pieces,  and  dollars 
if  the  real  value  of  money  is  to  be  taught  through 
spontaneous  play. 

2.  The    Shoemaker   and    the    Elves    began   as   a 
spontaneous  dramatic    play   and    finally    crystallized 


176        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

into  an  art  form  involving  dialogue  and  the  dance. 
The  constructive  interest  could  have  been  utilized, 
however,  in  helping  the  children  to  make  simple 
brownie  suits  and  caps  for  the  final  performance  of 
their  drama  at  a  playground  festival. 

3.  Blacksmith. -- The  play  recorded  is  typical  of 
the  rough-and-ready  dramatizations  that  spring  up 
spontaneously  on  a  summer  playground.  The  chil- 
dren had  visited  a  blacksmith's  shop  and  had  gained 
some  knowledge  of  his  activities.  What  more  natural 
than  to  build  the  anvil,  construct  a  crude  bellows,  and 
make  horseshoes  and  nails  out  of  clay  or  paper?  The 
dramatic  play  described  involves  social  cooperation  of 
an  unusual  degree,  which  should  not  be  lost  in  an 
effort  to  embellish  the  drama  by  means  of  manual 
skill.  The  groups  could  take  turns  in  impersonating 
families  and  dramatizing  the  work  which  goes  on  in  a 
livery  stable  and  a  blacksmith's  shop,  in  order  that 
all  might  relive  the  experiences  of  each  unit  in  the 
play. 

4.  Street  Cleaners.  —  In  the  section  of  the  city  in 
which  this  play  occurred,  it  is  especially  necessary  to 
stress  personal  and  group  hygiene.  The  children  of 
the  entire  playground  could  have  been  organized  into 
a  street-cleaners'  brigade  and  could  have  cleaned  the 
playground  or  the  street.  Small  shovels  could  have 
been  constructed.  Instruction  in  the  hygiene  of  the 
street  could  have  been  given  through  pictures  and 
simple  facts  related  to  the  dramatic  play. 

6,  7.  The  telephone  plays  afford  unusual  oppor- 
tunities for  the  manipulation  of  blocks,  wood,  and 
other    plastic    materials.     Children    of    kindergarten 


A  COLLECTION  OF  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  1 77 

age  are  easily  satisfied  with  constructing  a  receiver 
and  mouthpiece  through  which  they  can  carry  on 
conversations  with  their  neighbors,  order  groceries 
for  their  tea  parties,  and  telephone  a  doctor  when  their 
dolls  are  ill.  Children  from  seven  to  ten  years  of  age 
can  learn  by  experimentation  the  simple  physical  laws 
involved  in  telephoning  and  can  work  out  play 
projects  illustrating  the  application  of  these  laws. 

8,  9,  io,  12.  Dramatic  plays  in  which  ships  and 
trains  are  used  afford  splendid  opportunity  for  con- 
structive activities.  A  set  of  rough  floor  blocks  is 
useful  in  building  large  boats  and  trains  possessing 
strength  and  capacity  to  hold  several  children.  Long 
boards  or  tables  can  be  used  as  a  foundation,  while 
wheels,  cars,  sails;  and  machinery  can  be  added  as 
needed. 

Sometimes  children  prefer  to  make  small  models 
and  to  play  out  the  dramatic  events  individually  by 
making  the  boat  or  train  go  through  certain  move- 
ments and  .by  supplying  verbally  the  descriptions  of 
these  movements. 

ii.  Dressmaking.  —  Many  play  projects  involv- 
ing the  use  of  manual  activities  arise  in  connection 
with  dressmaking  plays.  There  is  the  opportunity  to 
create  toy  models  of  sewing  machines,  or  to  invent 
crude  looms  and  toy  knitters  on  which  real  sweaters 
may  be  knitted  for  dolls  and  attractive  rugs  woven 
for  the  dolls'  house.  Children  from  seven  to  ten 
years  of  age  show  an  omnivorous  appetite  for  building 
crude  machines.  They  often  study  sewing  machines 
and  get  information  concerning  how  these  may  be 
made.     In    this    way    children    acquire    considerable 


1 78        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

skill  in  manual  activities  and  obtain  valuable  mechan- 
ical information. 

Dressmaking  projects  also  afford  opportunities  to 
teach  children  some  knowledge  of  textiles.  Color 
training  can  be  made  an  integral  part  of  this  work. 
Skill  in  sewing  by  hand  can  be  acquired  as  a  means  of 
working  out  some  play  project,  such  as  making  a  cape 
for  Little  Red  Riding  Hood  or  a  crude  Quaker  garb 
for  a  Thanksgiving  festival. 


lliooJ,  University  of  Pittsburgh 


Playing  Boat 


CHAPTER  XIII 

The  Dramatic  Plays  of  One  Child  1 

The  Importance  of  Studying  the  First  Dramatic 
Expression.  —  So  few  of  the  dramatic  plays  recorded 
in  the  playground  records  have  to  do  with  the  child 
under  five  years  of  age,  and  so  important  are  these 
early  efforts  at  dramatic  representation,  that  it  seems 
advisable  to  present  the  records  of  one  child's  dra- 
matic plays  with  notes  on  their  psychological  sig- 
nificance. In  the  case  of  each  play  activity  presented 
for  study  it  is  possible  to  see  why  and  how  it  arose 
in  experience;  thus  we  have  a  background  for  the 
interpretation  of  dramatic  plays  which  it  is  impossible 
to  supply  in  connection  with  the  playground  records. 

The  First  Dramatic  Plays  Have  Their  Roots  in 
Reflex  Imitation.  —  The  infant's  first  dramatic  plays 
have  their  roots  in  reflex  imitation.  The  child  laughs 
with  his  mother;  bursts  out  crying  if  she  startles  him 
by  loud  cries;  imitates  her  gestures  and  tones  of 
voice.  Many  times  he  does  these  things  uncon- 
sciously, but  gradually  he  does  them  with  intention. 
When  memory  is  developed  so  that  he  can  retain  in 
his  mind  two  possible  choices  of  action,  a  mental  state 
arises  which  permits  real  freedom  in  play.  It  is 
hard  to  predict  with  any  degree  of  certainty  what  the 
child's  first  dramatizations  are  likely  to  be,  for  he 
shows  an  almost  uncontrolled  tendency  to  respond  to 

1  From  a  mother's  notes  on  her  child's  spontaneous  play  up  to  the 
fifth  year. 

179 


[80        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

his  environment,  both  physically  and  socially,  by 
imitating  the  things  which  challenge  his  attention. 
Thus  R,  broughl  up  in  a  civilized  community,  natur- 
ally reproduces  the  mode  of  action  common  to  his 
home  and  neighborhood,  while  a  child  reared  in  a 
savage  tribe  responds  to  the  savage  type  of  life.  R's 
repertoire  of  dramatic  plays  includes  washing  clothes, 
scrubbing  floors,  dusting  chairs,  pouring  tea,  etc.  A 
child  of  the  savage  type  of  life  builds  fires,  chases  wild 
animals,  imitates  the  acts  of  killing  wild  beasts,  and 
engages  in  mimic  warfare. 

The  Outstanding  Characteristics  of  the  Dramatic 
Plays  of  Infancy  are  Activity  and  the  Sensations  Re- 
sulting Therefrom.  -  The  outstanding  characteristics 
of  children's  early  dramatic  plays  arc  enjoyment  of 
physical  activity  and  the  resulting  sense  impressions. 
The  subjective  attitude  is  of  more  importance  to  the 
child  than  the  objective  result.  This  fact  is  important 
in  interpreting  the  play  of  children  under  six  year--  <  f 
age.  The  record  of  the  boy  who  was  blissfully  content 
to  use  a  turkey  roaster  as  Santa  ("laus'>  sleigh  i^  one 
case  in  point;  it  is  an  example  of  the  four-year-old's 
satisfaction  in  activity  for  its  own  sake  and  in  the 
sensations  resulting  therefrom.  The  turkey  roaster 
permitted  active  locomotion  over  the  floor  and  also 
served  as  a  vehicle  for  toys;  these  wen-  the  sole 
requirements  of  a  sleigh  to  this  boy. 

Progression  in  Early  Dramatic  Plays.  In  the 
early  dramatic  plays  we  see  progression  and  increased 
complexity  in  both  movement  and  ideas.  Progression 
in  movement  comes  through  adjusting  the  mechanics 
ot  the  large  bodily  movements  to  the  purpose  they  are 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        l8l 

supposed  to  serve  in  play.  For  example,  hopping 
like  frogs  involves  adaptations  from  mere  hopping. 
New  sensations  and  ideas  become  tied  up  with  the 
movements  and  produce  modifications  in  hopping. 
Conversely,  ideas  grow  in  complexity  as  they  find 
expression  in  movement.  The  action  reacts  on  the 
idea  back  of  it,  modifies  it,  and  brings  suggestions  of 
new  ideas  connected  with  movement. 

Looking  through  the  following  records  of  dramatic 
plays,  we  observe  that  the  movements  involved  are 
reaching,  pulling,  hauling,  pushing,  running,  walking, 
hopping,  and  jumping.  During  the  second  and  third 
years  the  coordinations  connected  with  these  move- 
ments are  rapidly  improving,  for  the  fundamental 
movements  become  reflex  during  the  first  three  years 
of  childhood.  Studies  of  the  neuro-muscular  system 
indicate  that  the  first  three  years  are  the  ones  in 
which  the  movements  connected  with  the  spinal  cord 
and  the  lower  brain  centers  come  into  arlmost  complete 
activity. 

After  this  development  is  completed,  we  see  more 
freedom  in  the  use  of  gross  bodily  movements.  The 
child's  mind  is  then  free  to  develop  skill  in  using  the 
movements  for  increasingly  difficult  acts. 

Progression  in  Ideas.  —  The  infant's  first  dramatic 
movements  are  usually  gestures.  Thus  in  the  early 
part  of  the  second  year  we  see  R  playing  that  he 
reads,  eats,  warms  diapers;  in  fact,  performs  the  acts 
most  closely  associated  with  his  physical  welfare  or  the 
habits  of  those  closest  to  him.  Later  he  washes,  irons, 
scrubs,  makes  beds,  dresses  up  like  adults,  and  in  fact 
relives  all  the  events  connected  with  the  household. 


isj        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

As  soon  as  he  gains  wider  access  to  the  sights  and 
sounds  of  the  street,  park,  or  country,  we  sec  him 
taking  imaginary  journeys  on  trains,  boats,  and 
automobiles.     I  le  delights  to  deliver  ice  and  groceries, 

dine  at  restaurants,  play  the  role  ot  woodpecker,  cat, 
dog,  bear,  frog,  and  alligator.  Nor  does  he  tire  of 
representing  household  activities;  he  continues  to 
wash,  scrub,  and  cook.  Pictures,  stories,  and  excur- 
sions initiate  him  into  the  world  of  trade;  he  pounds 
like  a  blacksmith;  works  in  a  factory,  builds  airplanes, 
and  runs  a  moving-picture  show.  He  progresses  not 
only  in  the  type  of  dramatic  acts  he  performs,  but  in 
the  number  of  events  he  incorporates  in  one  play. 
Thus  at  fourteen  months  he  merely  gestures  to  repre- 
sent eating  or  reading;  at  three  years  ot  age  he  relates 
eating  to  cooking  and  to  feeding  dolls,  and  relates 
reading  to  other  acts  of  his  father  or  mother.  His 
plays  show  relations  between  ideas,  in  fact  take  on 
the  nature  of  a  plot. 

By  the  time  he  is  five  years  of  age,  his  dramatic 
representations  reveal  considerable  complexity  of 
idea  and  plot,  as  a  perusal  of  the  records  will  show. 
For  example,  R  built  a  bridge  under  which  he  ran  an 
engine;  this  in  representation  of  a  railroad  scene  he  had 
recently  observed.  In  an  instant  his  play  changed. 
Some  chance  association  revived  memory  images  of 
an  experience  he  had  heard  about  four  months  before. 
He  brought  out  his  motor  truck.  Placing  a  female 
doll  on  the  seat,  he  said,  "Here  is  Mrs.  H  taking  a 
ride.  Where  is  the  cat?"  A  block  became  the  cat; 
it  jumped  on  Mrs.  H's  lap,  to  be  removed  and  thrown 
down   by  her  son.      Then  a  dog  chased   tin-  cat    up  a 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 83 

tree.  Here  we  see  a  series  of  dramatic  events  showing 
sequence.  There  was  a  beginning,  a  middle,  and  an 
end  to  the  plot,  and  the  arrangement  of  events  in  the 
plot  varied  only  slightly  from  the  relation  of  the  events 
in  the  incident  he  had  once  heard. 

The  Role  of  Adult  Suggestion  in  Connection  With 
Early  Dramatic  Plays.  -  -  The  mother  or  teacher  plays 
an  important  role  in  training  her  child's  imagination 
through  dramatic  play.  There  is  a  growing  recogni- 
tion among  parents  of  the  power  of  suggestion.  How- 
ever, where  parents  interfere  and  interrupt  there  is 
always  the  danger  of  breaking  abruptly  into  the 
child's  mental  life  and  of  hindering  growth  by  im- 
planting adult  ideas.  When  the  child  begins  to 
weave  familiar  incidents  into  a  dramatic  plot,  it  is 
best  to  allow  him  to  organize  his  own  ideas  spon- 
taneously, since  he  alone  knows  the  relationships 
which  exist  among  the  facts  he  is  seeking  to  express. 
It  is  best  always  to  let  these  ideas  take  natural  form, 
and  then  to  make  suggestions  through  questioning, 
stories,  pictures,  and  statements  of  related  facts  which 
help  to  clarify  and  to  organize  his  ideas.  Even  then, 
the  child  must  do  his  own  selecting  and  rearranging  of 
facts  in  accordance  with  the  natural  growth  which 
results  from  the  suggestions.  It  is  difficult  for  an 
adult  to  play  the  role  of  happy  playfellow  and  teacher 
in  one.  To  acquire  the  ability  properly  to  supervise  a 
little  child's  play  requires  real  sympathy  and  a 
training  commensurate  with  the  seriousness  and 
importance  of  the  task. 


184        SPONTANEOUS  A>*D  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

Records 

Imitative -Dramatic  Acts  of  the  First  Year 

10  Mouths.  People  sometimes  entertain  R  by 
trotting  their  ringers  across  the  tray  of  his  high  chair. 
R  tried  to  do  the  same.  He  succeeded  only  in  opening 
and  shutting  his  fingers  on  the  tray.  A  month  later 
he  scraped  his  tiny  fingers  across  the  tray,  producing 
some  semblance  of  the  movement  and  noise  he  was 
trying  to  copy. 

u  Months.  --  R's  mother  pretended  to  bite  R's 
finger  when  he  placed  it  on  her  lips.  R  thought  this 
great  fun  and  laughingly  continued  the  game. 

R  sneezed.  His  mother  did  the  same,  laughing. 
R  laughed  almost  hysterically  every  time  she  imitated 
his  act. 

R  sat  behind  a  curtain  and  occasionally  drew  the 
curtain  aside,  laughing  as  his  mother  said,  "Peek-a- 
boo." 

In  these  simple  imitative  acts  which  occurred  at  the 
close  of  the  first  year  we  see  the  beginnings  of  dramatic 
play.  We  notice  the  first  crude  efforts  consciously  to 
reproduce  the  acts  of  another.  A  sense  of  the  tun  of 
pretence  is  found  in  the  tinier-biting  play.  A  realiza- 
tion of  the  comic  is  found  in  the  reflex  merriment 
resulting  from  the  sneezing  episode. 

I uiitative-Dramatic  Plays  of  the  Second  Year 

i  / !  _.  Mouths.  R  was  standing  in  his  pen.  His 
father  jumped  up  and  down  outside,  laughing  merrily. 
R  attempted  to  jump  up  and  down.  As  he  could  not 
walk,    he    succeeded    only    in    Hexing    his   knees   and 


THE  DRAMATIC  PLAYS  OF  ONE  CHILD    1 85 

bobbing  up  and  down.  He  showed  unmistakable 
signs  of  pleasure  from  the  kinesthetic  effects  of  the 
imitative  act. 

One  day  R's  mother  playfully  donned  a  silver  bread 
dish  as  a  hat.  Later  R  laughingly  slipped  his  doll's 
hat  to  his  head.  At  the  time,  this  appeared  to  be  an 
act  of  mere  manipulative  activity;  however,  he 
followed  it  up  in  a  few  days  by  placing  other  hat-like 
objects  on  his  head  —  a  box  and  an  embroidery  hoop. 

That  social  imitation  occurs  at  an  early  age  is  seen 
in  the  following  playful  acts.  R's  mother  pressed  her 
first  ringer  on  a  rubber  doll  to  make  it  squeak;  R  tried 
to  produce  the  same  squeaking  noise  by  pressing  his 
first  finger  on  the  doll.  She  rang  a  bell;  he  did  the 
same.  She  waved  a  buttonhook  in  a  circle;  R  waved 
it  horizontally.  She  rattled  a  buttonhook  about  in  a 
glass  jar;  R  did  the  same.  She  tapped  a  buttonhook 
on  her  chair;  R  waved  it  horizontally. 

75  Months.  —  R  always  watched  with  interest 
when  people  lighted  a  fire  in  the  gas  grate  with  a  wax 
taper.  One  day  he  found  a  broom  straw;  picking  it 
up  he  attempted  to  light  a  fire  in  the  grate.  When 
supplied  with  a  wax  taper,  he  touched  it  to  the  grate 
several  times  and  seemed  disappointed  that  no  flames 
sprang  out. 

R  warmed  a  diaper  by  holding  it  before  the  gas 
grate.  It  was  a  playful  but  serious  attempt  to 
reproduce  an  act  connected  with  his  own  welfare. 

R  read  a  newspaper. 

R  ate  from  an  empty  dish  and  spoon. 

R  dusted  the  floor  with  a  diaper  and  scrubbed 
it  with  a  brush. 


1 86        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

iy  Months.  When  his  mother  lay  down  in  the 
library,  R  walked  along  the  edge  of  the  couch,  pulled 
her  nose,  played  "peek,"  and  laughed  loudly  at  the 
slightest  exchange  of  sociability. 

iq  Months.  -Hiding  play.  "Where  is  Chine?" 
said  his  mother.  R  looked  under  furniture,  saying, 
"Gone!" 

21  Months.  —  Ironing.  Using  a  warm  iron  R 
pressed  out  pads,  sheets,  and  diapers.  This  activity 
lasted  fully  a  half  hour. 

Hide-and-seek.  R's  mother  hid  in  a  corner.  He 
ran  to  find  her,  laughing  and  falling  into  her  arms 
when  he  discovered  her. 

23  Months.  -Playing  with  his  shadow.  R  ran 
about,  looking  at  his  shadow  as  it  preceded  or  followed 
him. 

24  Months.--  Tea  party.  R  had  a  new  tea  set. 
He  filled  each  cup  with  water  and  drank,  or  emptied 
the  water  from  one  cup  to  another. 

Imitative-Dramatic  /'lays  of  the  Third  Year 

Sprinkled  sail  on  a  cloth  and  proceeded  to  powder 
his  tact'. 

Swept  the  floor  with  a  broom 

Squeezed  an  orange  and  strained  the  juice  through  a 
tea  strainer. 

Held  toast   to  his  doll's  mouth. 

Applied  a  can  opener  with  point  down. 

Attempted  to  open  a  (-rate  with  the  fork  end  of  a 
hammer. 

Tried  to  mash  vegetables  through  a  sieve. 

Imitated  a  postman  by  carrying  a  bag  and  umbrella. 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 87 

Played  he  cut  bread  by  sawing  a  can  with  a  stick. 

Poured  water  out  of  a  coffee  pot  into  cups. 

Cleaned  a  stove  with  newspapers. 

Attempted  to  stir  food  which  was  cooking  on  the 
range. 

Made  his  own  bed  fairly  well,  adjusting  pad,  sheets, 
and  pillows;  sometimes  he  pinned  his  doll  in  the  bed. 

Shoveled  snow,  imitating  both  the  digging  and  the 
throwing  movements. 

Brushed  his  hair,  imitating  the  downward  sweeping 
motion. 

Held  a  curling  iron  to  his  head. 

In  playing  with  a  silver  neck  chain,  he  adjusted  it 
across  the  front  of  his  dress  in  imitation  of  his  father's 
watch  chain. 

Tried  to  expectorate,  making  a  queer  little  noise  in 
his  throat. 

23  Months.  —  R  was  taken  to  visit  a  friend  in  a 
hospital.  He  had  been  there  but  a  short  time  when 
he  began  to  cry,  "Bye-bye"  and  "Gar-Gar!"  Grasp- 
ing a  small  valise  he  made  several  trips  to  the  door, 
saying,  "Bye-Bye!"  each  time  he  started  on  a  trip. 
Later  he  put  a  newspaper  on  his  head  for  a  cap  and 
with  an  increased  sense  of  the  fitness  of  things  he 
went  through  the  formalities  of  leave  taking  with 
added  enjoyment. 

R  indicated  by  means  of  gestures  that  he  wished  his 
cuffs  turned  up  in  imitation  of  those  of  a  guest.  Thus 
are  trivial  customs  and  acts  acquired  through  social 
imitation. 

Doll  Play.  R  attempted  to  pin  a  diaper  on  a  small 
rubber  doll.     When  his  mother  supplied  a  doll  bed  and 


1 88        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

some  extra  materials  for  bedding,  R  derived  consider- 
able pleasure  from  putting  the  doll  in  this  bed  and 
covering  it  carefully  with  a  sheet. 

Mock  sympathy.  R  threw  a  rubber  doll  to  the  floor 
several  times,  saying  "Oh!  dear!"  This  effort  to 
reproduce  a  situation  in  which  he  himself  had  ex- 
perienced sympathy  is  indicative  of  a  growth  in 
imaginative  ability. 

Bathing  his  doll.  R  likes  to  bathe  his  rubber  doll  or 
celluloid  duck  while  he  himself  is  being  bathed.  He 
goes  through  the  acts  necessary  for  cleanliness. 

Imitating  acts  of  companionship,  R  takes  his  doll 
to  bed  with  him  and  asks  for  his  Teddy  bear. 

Simulating  sleep.  R  plays  he  is  going  to  sleep, 
covers  himself  with  a  blanket,  and  shuts  his  eyes. 
Here  is  another  example  of  pleasure  in  pretending  an 
experience  which  is  distasteful  in  actual  life. 

ji  Months.  -  Ride  a  cock  horse.  Sitting  on  the 
foot  piece  of  the  sewing  machine  R  rocked  back  and 
forth  calling,  "Get  up  'orses!" 

Playing  Pilgrim.  R  watched  a  pageant  rehearsal. 
In  a  church  scene  R  knealt  down  to  pray  and  stood  to 
sing  with  the  Pilgrims. 

Playing  stake  driver.  R  watched  some  men  drive  a 
stake.  He  did  the  same,  imitating  their  acts  of  digging 
and  planting 

Engine.  R  enjoyed  pushing  two  or  three  camp 
chairs  across  the  floor  of  the  camp  dining  room,  saying 
"Choo-choo!" 

32  Months.  —  Playing  boat.  R  sat  in  a  tent  on  a 
low  chair,  pulling  on  a  rope  attached  to  the  tent. 
"Here  comes  a  boat!''  he  called  out. 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 89 

Playing  soldiers.  R  placed  a  closed  umbrella  over 
his  shoulder  for  a  gun  and  marched  like  a  soldier. 
"Hip-one-two-three!"  he  called  out. 

Mock  discipline.  During  mealtime  R  is  sometimes 
admonished  for  talking.  One  morning  he  admonished 
his  mother,  who  was  singing  softly.  "Sh!"  he  said, 
his  finger  on  his  lips.  She  stopped  singing,  whereupon 
he  said,  "Sing  again,"  then  reiterated,  "Sh!  Sh!" 

Imitative-Dramatic  Plays  of  the  Fourth  Year 

Frog  and  Alligator.  —  R  hopped  vigorously  on  all 

fours  to  represent  a  frog;  then  he  became  an  alligator, 

slowing  down  his  movements  considerably.     By  and 

by  he  said,   "Here  come  a  frog  and  an  alligator!" 

He  himself  impersonated  both  by  hopping  like  a  frog 

and  pushing  a  block  of  wood  before  him  to  represent 

the  slower  movements  of  an  alligator. 

A  little  child  invariably  imitates  the  striking  characteristics  in 
the  things  about  him.  It  is  the  characteristic  movements  or 
gestures  of  frogs,  alligators,  and  most  other  animals  that  are  first 
imitated  in  play. 

Washing    Clothes.  —  On    the    day    the    laundress 

appeared,  R  invariably  helped  himself  to  soap,  water, 

and  a  small  bathtub,  and  proceeded  to  rub  out  bibs. 

He  would  play  thus  for  fully  fifteen  minutes,  wringing 

the  bibs  dry,   hanging  them  up,  and  washing  them 

again. 

The  coming  of  the  laundress  merely  suggested  an  enjoyable 
manipulative  activity  which  consisted  of  vigorous  movements  in 
imitation  of  an  act  connected  with  the  home. 

Automobile.  —  Whenever  an  automobile  stopped 
at  the  house  R  observed  it  intently.  His  first  dramat- 
ic   representation   occurred    shortly    after    his    third 


190        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

birthday.  He  sat  perched  in  a  fireside  chair,  his  dolls 
arranged  in  a  stiff  row  back  of  him.  Between  his 
knees  rested  a  coffee  can  used  as  a  steering  wheel. 
Soon  he  was  seen  to  jump  out  to  crank  up  the  machine; 
his  little  body  moved  rhythmically  up  and  down  as  he 
performed  this  imaginary  work.  "Ride  in  my  auto- 
mobile with  me,  Mother,"  he  said,  in  a  matter-of-fact 
tone  which  took  her  acceptance  for  granted.  As  she 
climbed  into  the  seat  at  his  side,  he  jumped  out  again 
to  crank  up,  then  seated  himself  beside  her  and  turned 
the  can  around  several  times  to  produce  the  effect  of  a 
steering  wheel. 

This  play  is  typical  of  a  three-year-old  child's  conception  of 
locomotion  in  an  automobile.  The  striking  features  were  the 
steering  wheel  and  the  cranking  up  preliminary  to  starting.  His 
native  tendency  toward  sociability  demanded  that  he  find  someone 
to  share  the  ride  with  him. 

Santa  Claus  Plays.  —  i.  The  Christmas  spirit  had 
lived  on  into  February  in  this  boy's  vivid  memory  of 
Santa  Claus.  One  day  he  fastened  a  waste-paper 
basket  on  his  back  for  a  pack  and  implored  his  mother 
to  lie  down  and  sleep.  She  complied  with  his  request. 
He  watched  closely  lest  she  open  her  eyes  while  he 
trudged  about  with  his  basket  of  toys,  and  finally 
deposited  his  pack  at  her  feet.  She  jumped  up  in 
mimic  glee  and  began  to  examine  the  toys.  "Here  is 
a  music  box,"  he  said,  handing  her  a  paper,  feeling 
not  in  the  least  its  inadequacy  as  a  music-box.  She 
cranked  up  the  music  box,  at  the  same  time  singing  a 
tune,  and  R  stood  by  entranced. 

The  characteristic  feature  connected  with   this  three-year-old's 
entation  of  Santa  Claus  was  his  trudging  about  with  a  pack  of 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE    CHILD        19I 

toys  after  the  children  were  "snug  in  their  beds."  The  fact  that  a 
paper  was  picked  up  to  represent  a  music  box  is  characteristic  of  a 
three-year-old's  ready  acceptance  of  almost  any  object  to  represent 
the  thing  he  has  in  mind. 

2.  One  day  when  R  was  restless,  his  mother  gave 
him  the  top  of  a  large  roaster  to  play  with.  It  became 
a  boat  for  a  while,  then  a  sleigh.  Soon  she  noticed 
that  he  had  filled  his  sleigh  with  toys  and  was  pushing 
it  toward  her.  "Lie  down!"  he  demanded.  Quite 
by  chance  R  sat  down  on  the  sleigh  and  conceived 
the  idea  of  driving  his  load  of  toys  "o'er  the  snow." 
"I  want  to  take  my  sleigh  out-doors!"  he  called  out. 
His  mother  replied,  "But  I  can't  have  my  turkey 
roaster  taken  out-doors!"  "It  is  not  a  turkey 
roaster,"  he  explained,  "it's  a  sleigh!"  A  little  later 
he  returned  to  the  sleigh  and  slid  over  the  floor  toward 
her.  Sing,  "Clap,  clap  your  hands!"  he  demanded, 
and  from  that  time  on  he  usually  asked  for  this  song 
to  describe  his  Santa  Claus  activities. 

3.  As  a  substitute  for  the  roaster,  R's  mother  sug- 
gested that  he  use  his  low  coaster  wagon.  R  seated 
himself  in  the  front  of  the  wagon  with  the  waste-paper 
basket  full  of  toys  on  the  back  of  the  sleigh,  as  he  had 
seen  Santa  do  in  "  'Twas  the  Night  Before  Christmas." 
A  stocking  cap  perched  on  the  top  of  his  head  gave 
more  feeling  for  the  part,  and  some  reins  with  sleigh 
bells  attached  rang  merrily  in  unison  with  his  move- 
ments over  the  floor.  Slapping  the  reins  he  urged  his 
imaginary  reindeer  on.  After  joy  in  the  purely 
locomotive  features  of  this  play  had  subsided,  he 
asked  for  the  song  and  the  go-to-sleep  features  again. 


192        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

R's  protest  that  the  turkey  roaster  was  a  sleigh  is  an  example 
of  the  vividness  of  his  imagery.  His  mind  clothed  the  roaster  with 
sleigh-like  characteristics  such  as  he  had  observed  in  the  Santa 
Claus  books.  The  incorporation  of  a  Santa  Claus  song  into  the 
play  was  natural  enough.  Less  action  occurred  when  the  song  was 
used.     Evidently  the  words  describing 

Now  swift  o're  the  snow  the  tiny  reindeer 
Are  trotting  and  bringing  old  Santa  Claus  here 

were  a  satisfactory  substitute  for  the  action,  for  he  would  often  sit 
perfectly  still  while  his  mother  sang.  His  interest  shifted  from 
joy  in  propelling  himself  about  on  the  sleigh  to  pleasure  in  dramatiz- 
ing Santa's  visit  inside  the  house. 

4.  R  asked  his  mother  to  play  Santa  Claus  with 
him.  "How?"  she  inquired.  "Be  Santa  Claus,"  he 
replied,  giving  her  a  street  hat.  Then  he  adjusted 
his  own  stocking  cap,  strapped  a  pack  over  his  back, 
and  began  to  strut  about.  His  mother  sat  on  a  low 
stool.  "I  want  it!"  he  said,  trying  to  push  her  off 
the  stool.  "This  is  my  sleigh!"  she  replied.  He  then 
seated  himself  on  his  low  coaster  wagon.  Presently 
the  mother  harnessed  a  chair  to  her  sleigh,  saying  to 
R,  "See  my  reindeer!"  "  I  want  some!"  said  R,  doing 
likewise.  "On  Dasher!  On  Prancer!"  she  cried, 
slapping  the  reins.  Presently  she  loaded  her  pack.  R 
did  the  same.  Once  in  a  while  she  got  out  of  the 
sleigh  to  leave  some  toys  at  the  houses.  Always  R 
got  out  and  loaded  these  toys  back  on  to  his  own 
sleigh. 

This  is  an  example  of  adult  leadership  in  play.  True,  it  was 
about  the  series  of  dramatic  events  the  child  would  soon  stumble 
upon,  but  the  initiative  came  from  the  mother,  not  from  the  child; 
for  when  she  stopped,  he  started  to  play  something  else. 


THE   DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 93 

5.  Interest  in  playing  Santa  Claus  continued  high. 
Often  when  strangers  inquired  R's  name,  he  said, 
"I'm  Santa  Claus!"  He  was  indeed  Santa  Claus  a 
good  part  of  the  day.  Each  room  in  the  house  had 
certain  chimneys  for  him  to  climb,  certain  sleighs  or 
packs  to  use.  He  not  only  felt  the  part  of  Santa  Claus 
continually,  but  he  would  not  permit  the  objects  he 
used  in  this  play  to  be  interfered  with. 

One  day  someone  started  to  take  a  chair  which  he 
had  customarily  used  for  a  reindeer.  R  cried  out, 
"Oh,  no,  don't!  It's  my  tiny  reindeer."  In  reality, 
he  was  not  using  the  chair  at  all,  but  it  was  still  a 
reindeer  to  him. 

6.  A  new  picture  of  Santa  Claus  driving  his  rein- 
deer up  to  the  moon  made  a  vivid  appeal  to  R.  After 
this  whenever  he  played  Santa  Claus  he  was  fre- 
quently heard  to  say,  "I'm  way  up  in  the  sky!" 
Another  new  feature  was  added  when  he  was  told  a 
story  about  Santa  bringing  little  Philip  a  velocipede 
made  by  the  brownies.  His  mother  had  put  into  her 
story  Santa's  words,  "Everybody  asleep ! "  as  he  neared 
Philip's  house.  These  new  features  considerably 
altered  his  Santa  Claus  play.  He  sat  on  a  pillow 
loaded  with  toys,  pushing  a  carpet-sweeper  back  and 
forth  to  represent  the  movement  of  reindeer.  He  was 
heard  to  say,  "  I  have  to  get  a  velocipede!"  Going  to 
a  sofa  near  by,  he  began  to  imitate  a  carpenter  at 
work.  "I'm  making  a  wheel ! "  he  exclaimed.  " Now 
the  velocipede  is  done,"  he  added,  at  the  same  time 
placing  a  toy  motor  truck  in  his  sleigh.  "Now, 
dash  away,  dash  away,  dash  away!"  he  cried,  hitting 
the  carpet-sweeper  with  a  stick;  "I'm  up  in  the  sky 


[94        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

now,  and  I'm  never  coming  down."  Then  in  a 
moment  he  said  to  his  mother,  "You  be  Philip 
asleep!"  "Everybody  asleep!"  he  called  out;  then 
he  got  back  into  his  sleigh  and  enacted  the  drama  all 
over  again. 

Here  the  stuff  with  which  imagination  works  is  seen  very  clearly. 
The  new  plot  came  from  experience  and  from  events  pictured  in 
books.  The  making  of  toys  had  been  suggested  by  the  mention  of 
the  brownies  as  Santa's  helpers. 

Valentines.  A  little  girl  rang  the  bell  and  gave  R 
a  valentine.  As  soon  as  R  had  examined  the  card,  he 
said,  "I  want  to  be  Betsy  and  bring  valentines." 
Evidently  the  envelope  suggested  the  postman's 
bag,  for  he  became  a  postman.  Collecting  some 
envelopes,  he  brought  his  mother  several  valentines 
on  different  trips. 

Here  we  see  the  enjoyment  of  manipulating  objects  and  of  enact- 
ing the  role  of  the  postman,  and  pleasure  in  physical  activity. 

Grocery.  —  R's  mother  sat  by  the  fire  writing. 
Beside  her  was  a  delivery  man.  Taking  blocks  from 
his  wagon,  he  deposited  them  one  by  one  on  the  arm 
of  her  chair,  naming  each  article.  "Here's  soap, 
sugar,  potatoes,  prunes,"  he  would  say.  Without 
demanding  any  cooperation  in  the  play,  he  removed 
the-  blocks  from  the  arm  of  the  chair  to  his  delivery 
wagon  and  made  another  trip  from  the  store  to  his 
mother. 

Pleasure  in  physical  activity,  in  imitation,  and  in  manipulation 
explains  the  enjoyment  in  this  play. 

Writing.  -  R  asked  for  ink.  lie  was  given  a  bottle 
of   water.     He   dipped    his   pencil    in   the   water  and 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 95 

wrote  several  lines.  When  his  mother  started  to 
write  a  letter  to  a  friend  he  said,  "Oh,  don't,  I  wrote 
her!" 

Imitating  an  adult  activity  is  the  chief  pleasure  here. 

Iceman.  —  R  was  playing  iceman.  In  order  to 
get  the  effect  of  a  high,  heavy  wagon  he  had  pulled 
out  the  top  drawer  of  a  chest.  This  was  the  ice 
wagon.  There  he  sat  in  this  perilous  position  in  an 
open  drawer,  with  a  whip  in  his  hands  urging  on  a 
horse — a  kitchen  stool  harnessed  to  the  drawer. 

Miner.  —  R  had  seen  pictures  of  miners  working 
underground.  He  played  miner  out-of-doors  by  pick- 
ing with  a  stick  in  the  snow.  Indoors  he  laid  blocks 
on  the  floor  to  represent  coal.  With  the  small  end  of 
his  gun  he  picked  and  hewed  the  blocks,  shoveling 
them  into  a  coal  wagon.  One  day  he  donned  a  cap 
and  said,  "  I  need  a  lamp  on  my  cap." 

"Pockets  In  My  Trousers." — In  one  of  R's  books 
was  a  picture  of  a  small  boy  with  hands  in  his  pockets 
and  a  hat  on  the  back  of  his  head.  A  little  verse 
described  the  boy's  first  trousers.  One  day  R  stood 
with  feet  astride  and  gloves  dangling  from  his  pockets, 
a  hat  perched  on  the  back  of  his  head.  "I've  got 
pockets  in  my  trousers!"  he  exclaimed.  He  con- 
tinued to  play  thus  for  about  ten  minutes. 

This  is  a  good  example  of  an  imitative-dramatic  play  of  a  three- 
year-old.  Here  the  posture  of  the  small  boy  had  so  impressed  R 
that  he  reproduced  it  dramatically. 

Sailing.  —  "I  want  a  boat,"  said  R,  and  forthwith 
produced  a  wheelbarrow  to  serve  as  a  boat.  "Now  I 
need  oars,"  and  he  placed  a  board  on  each  side  of  the 


196        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

boat.  Sitting  in  the  boat  accompanied  by  his  sailor 
doll  and  toy  animals,  he  dipped  the  oars  in  the  water, 
with  some  pretence  of  regularity.  To  add  zest  to  the 
play  his  mother  dropped  a  doll  in  the  water,  calling, 
"Help,  help!"  R  merely  looked  at  the  doll  until  his 
mother  added,  "Aren't  you  going  to  help  the  man 
out?"  Then  R  jumped  out  of  the  boat  and  rescued 
the  man.     "I'm  Captain  -     — ,"  he  said,  giving  her 

the  doll.     Captain had   taken   them    for   many 

sails  in  the  summer  and  had  lived  on  in  R's  memory. 
"Are  you  in  his  sailboat  or  in  a  rowboat?"  asked  his 
mother.  "The  sailboat,"  replied  R.  "I  see  no  sail," 
she  commented.  Since  R  seemed  unable  to  produce 
a  sail,  she  made  one  out  of  a  newspaper  and  a  toy 
broom.  R  now  felt  the  need  of  a  steering  wheel. 
In  the  summer,  the  working  of  this  wheel  had  greatly 
interested  him.  He  found  a  broken  pulley  and  used  it 
for  steering.  "I  turn  the  wheel  to  make  my  boat  go 
fast,"  he  commented.  "  I'll  close  the  doors  so  I  can't 
fall  out,"  he  said,  evidently  thinking  this  time  of  an 
automobile.  "I  turn  the  sail  this  way.  I  go  this 
way,"  said  R,  moving  the  sail  to  one  side. 

'Die  confusion  of  imagery  noticed  in  this  play  is  characteristic 
of  a  three-year-old.  He  can  hold  no  set  of  images  in  his  mind 
long  time,  and  rides  in  a  boat  one  minute  and  in  an  automobile  the 
next.  In  looking  at  a  boat  or  an  automobile  he  observes  only  strik- 
ing things  such  as  sails  or  wheels,  and  has  little  knowledge  of  their 
real  uses. 

The  boat  play  continued  for  some  time.  R  so 
completely  felt  the  part  of  the  captain  that  while 
interest  in  this  play  lasted  he  requested  his  mother  to 
say  "Captain "  whenever  she  called  him. 


THE   DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 97 

Woodpecker.  —  R  noticed  a  picture  of  a  woodpecker 
boring  a  hole  in  a  tree.  One  day  he  played  he  was  a 
woodpecker  and  pecked  at  a  stool.  His  mother  asked, 
"What  does  a  woodpecker  use  for  pecking?"  R 
pointed  to  his  mouth,  saying,  "His  bill."  Evidently 
he  felt  the  inadequacy  of  his  mouth  as  a  bill,  for  he 
soon  appeared  with  a  clothespin  in  his  mouth  and 
proceeded  to  peck  the  chair  with  the  clothespin.  As 
very  often  happened  with  R  in  his  dramatizations,  his 
interest  was  sustained  over  night.  When  he  awaken- 
ed the  next  morning,  he  said,  "I'm  a  woodpecker!" 
Climbing  out  of  bed  he  ran  for  the  clothespin  and 
began  to  peck  at  the  chair  and  stools.  "What  does 
the  woodpecker  do  when  he  pecks?"  he  asked.  His 
mother  replied,  "Dig  food  from  the  tree."  R 
asked,  "Does  he  talk?"  She  answered,  "Soon  the 
birds  will  return  and  you'll  hear  them  chattering  and 
singing."  In  a  moment  his  interest  flitted  away 
from  the  thing  he  was  playing;  "I'm  not  a  wood- 
pecker now;  I'm  a  miner,"  he  commented. 

Restaurant.  —  In  one  of  R's  books  there  was  a 
picture  of  a  little  girl  getting  into  an  elevator.  The 
accompanying  story  related  the  little  girl's  experiences 
in  a  store,  where,  accompanied  by  her  father,  she  was 
permitted  to  purchase  a  dress  and  to  lunch  in  the  store 
restaurant.  After  hearing  the  story,  R  said,  "Where 
is  a  tray?"  He  carried  a  tray  to  his  toy  closet  and 
arranged  carefully  upon  it  a  varied  assortment  of 
dishes.  Returning  with  the  tray  he  fed  his  Teddy 
bear.  Then,  turning  to  his  mother,  he  said,  "  Do  you 
want  lamb  chop  and  baked  potato?"  It  afforded 
him  considerable  pleasure  to  see  her  eat.     Soon  he 


IQ8        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

said,  "I'll  get  you  some  ice  cream  and  cake."  After 
serving  her  with  dessert,  he  said.  "Now  eat  your  ice 
cream  and  jelly  cake." 

Having  disposed  of  the  meal  in  the  restaurant,  R 
turned  a  stool  upside  down  to  represent  an  elevator; 
sitting  on  a  low  stool  beside  it,  he  said,  "  Down,  down, 
down,"  or  "Up,  up,  up."  To  his  mother  he  said, 
"You  ride!"  She  managed  to  get  within  the  narrow 
compass  of  the  elevator  and  was  given  his  Teddy  bear 
to  hold.  Later  she  showed  him  how  to  make  an 
elevator  door  which  would  slide  open  and  shut. 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  little  girl  dining  with  her  father 
was  permitted  to  eat  only  the  articles  of  diet  prescribed  for  R's  own 
noonday  meal.  The  admonition  to  his  mother,  "Now  eat  your  ice 
cream  and  jelly  cake!"  was  given  in  the  same  solicitous  tone  with 
which  she  urged  him  to  eat  his  food. 

The  Little  King.  —  Someone  must  have  told  R 
about  a  little  king,  for  all  during  breakfast  he  made 
remarks  like  these:  "Does  a  little  king  eat  this  way?" 
"Does  he  like  oatmeal?"  Later  he  played  he  was  a 
little  king  and  donned  a  hat  for  a  crown. 

His  idea  of  kingship  did  not  extend  beyond  the 
crown. 

This  play  grew  out  of  the  natural  tendency  to  dramatize 
anything  that  interests  for  the  moment.  The  story  did  not  become 
a  permanent  part  of  R's  story  repertoire. 

Popping  Corn.  With  much  interest  R  watched 
his  mother  pop  corn  in  a  skillet.  Then  he  said,  "I'm 
going  to  get  me  a  popper."  He  returned  with  a  pan 
containing  a  few  blocks  to  represent  pop  corn.  Cover- 
ing the  pan  he  shook  it  back  and  forth  on  the  floor  in 
imitation  of  corn-popping. 


THE    DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        1 99 

Susie  and  Danny.  —  One  day  R  came  to  his  mother, 
saying,  "I'm  a  little  girl."  Entering  into  his  playful 
mood,  she  replied,  "Yes,  little  Susie."  From  that  time 
on  he  was  Susie.  At  night  his  mother  chanced  to 
open  a  magazine  on  the  page  of  which  was  a  picture 
of  a  boy  and  girl  under  an  umbrella.  She  made  up  a 
little  story  about  Susie  and  Danny  going  to  school  in 
the  rain.  R  was  fascinated  with  the  picture  and 
asked  her  to  repeat  the  story  again  and  again.  When 
he  was  undressed  for  bed  he  told  his  mother  that  he 
was  Susie  going  to  bed  and  asked  her  to  put  Danny  to 
bed.  In  the  morning  when  she  entered  his  room,  he 
said,  "Call  Susie,"  then  added,  "Take  Danny  out  of 
bed!"  All  day  it  was  "Susie  this"  and  "Susie  that." 
If  his  mother  called  him  by  his  own  name,  he  cor- 
rected her. 

This  imaginative  play  lasted  several  days.  Finally  R's  mother 
began  to  feel  that  her  recognition  of  the  Susie  personality  as  her 
child  was  interfering  with  her  personal  relations  with  R.  So  she 
said,  "I  have  no  Susie,  you  are  R.  You  may  have  a  Susie  of  your 
own."  And  R  did  have  a  Susie  as  an  imaginary  companion  for 
several  days. 

Train. — 1.  R's  first  train  consisted  of  a  washboard,  a 
rocking  chair,  a  dump  cart,  and  a  procession  of  other 
objects.  He  invited  his  mother  to  ride  in  his  train 
and  then  volunteered  to  be  a  big  black  porter.  The 
big  black  porter  said  to  the  mother,  "It  is  time  for 
you  to  go  to  bed."  She  suggested  that  the  big  black 
porter  make  up  the  beds.  Of  his  own  initiative  he 
•covered  her  up  with  a  bib,  saying,  "Here  is  a  blanket." 
Later  he  fetched  a  throw  from  the  sofa.  By  and  by 
she  sat  up  in  bed  to  see  the  sights  from  the  window. 


200       SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

1  [e  came  to  her  and  said,  "  I'll  shut  the  window!"     He 
hovered  constantly  near  her  to  see  if  she  was  all  right. 

R  remembered  several  nights  spent  on  a  sleeping  car  and  took 
real  pleasure  in  impersonating  the  porter,  about  whom  clustered 
many  pleasant  memories  connected  with  tram. 

2.  This  train  was  constructed  by  connecting  a 
child's  rocker,  representing  an  engine,  to  a  low 
coaster  wagon,  representing  a  car.  A  can  was  placed 
on  the  seat  of  the  rocker  to  serve  as  a  smokestack  and 
a  box  became  the  engine  bell.  R  made  no  effort  to 
propel  the  engine.  He  merely  sat  within  the  train 
and  enacted  a  drama  in  his  own  mind.  He  said, 
"Engine  go!"  When  his  mother  approached,  he 
cried  out,  "Big  black  porter  will  help  you  in!"  Yet 
he  made  no  effort  to  assist  her.  So  she  made  no 
attempt  to  get  in  the  train.  "Toot,  toot!"  she  said. 
"Make  the  cars  go!"  replied  R. 

R's  favorite  train  plays  consisted  of  propelling  something  over 
the  ground,  and  this  play  is  reported  in  contrast  to  the  usual  type  of 
play  a  child  of  pre-kindergarten  age  delights  in.  There  arc  times 
with  almost  any  child  when  the  drama  is  enacted  mentally  instead 
of  physically. 

Fishing.  —  R  was  given  a  tub  of  water  in  which  to 
play.  He  found  a  long  twig  which  served  as  a 
fishing  pole.  He  then  placed  a  spoon,  a  fork,  and  a 
nailbrush  in  the  water  t<»  represent  fish  and  pulled 
them  out  on  the  bent  twig,  lie  kepi  saying,  "I 
caught  a  swnlish!      I  caught  a  cattish!" 

Cat  and  Dog.  —  R  started  to  dramatize  a  story  of  a 
mother  i :a1  running  away  from  a  dog  who  constantly 
bothered  her  little  kittens.  "I'm  the  little  kitten!" 
said  R,  cuddling  up  to  his  mother;  "tell  me  to  come." 


THE   DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD        201 

She  became  the  mother  cat  warning  her  kitten  to  creep 
closer.  "But  who  will  be  the  dog?"  asked  the 
mother.  "Let  me  be  the  dog,"  said  R,  whereupon  his 
mother  fetched  a  toy  bear  to  represent  the  kitten.  R 
got  down  and  crawled  about  simulating  a  dog  barking 
at  the  kitten.  The  mother  cat  hissed  and  scratched 
at  the  dog;  then,  taking  her  kitten,  ran  away  on  all 
fours.     This  play  was  repeated  several  times. 

Here  is  a  characteristic  impersonation  of  animals.  R  preferred 
being  the  dog  because  he  had  a  more  interesting  part  to  play.  He 
felt  a  sense  of  power  in  being  able  to  frighten  the  cat. 

Factory.  —  R  said,  "Let's  build  a  factory."  He 
made  a  poor  building  and  had  to  be  assisted  to  con- 
struct a  better  one.  "Let's  have  the  men  go  to 
work,"  said  R;  yet  he  suggested  no  way  in  which  to 
do  so.  "You  could  use  your  paper  dolls  for  men," 
his  mother  suggested.  R  looked  pleased  at  the  sug- 
gestion. Placing  the  dolls  in  an  automobile  he 
wheeled  them  to  the  factory.  "Now  the  whistle  will 
blow  for  them  to  go  home!"  he  said.  By  and  by  he 
added  a  wheel  to  the  factory.  "See  the  wheel  go  in 
the  factory!"  he  said  as  he  turned  it  round  and 
round. 

This  play  is  a  four-year-old's  dramatic  description  of  a  factory. 
Not  far  from  R's  home  is  a  furniture  factory  at  which  men  begin 
and  cease  work  at  the  blast  of  a  whistle.  R  had  seen  pictures  of 
machinery  and  somehow  connected  wheels  with  factories.  The 
use  of  paper  dolls  as  men  did  not  suggest  itself  to  R,  because  he 
had  not  yet  reached  the  stage  where  he  required  exact  representa- 
tion of  facts.  He  was  satisfied  to  convert  blocks  of  wood  into 
firemen.     His  mother's  suggestion  was  not  of  much  value,  therefore. 

Shadows.  —  R  had  frequently  heard  Stevenson's 
poem  about  shadows.     He  had  often  noticed  his  own 


202         SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED   PLAY 

shadow.  To-day  he  held  a  toy  over  his  head  to  give 
an  elongated  effect  and  played  it  was  a  shadow  chasing 
him  about. 

Picture  Show.  After  R  had  been  taken  to  a 
moving-picture  theater  he  built  one  with  his  blocks. 
Ushers  were  stationed  at  the  aisles.  "They  have 
flashlights,"  said  R.  Musicians  sat  in  front  of  a 
cardboard  box  which  served  as  a  screen.  A  colored 
picture  book  was  placed  against  this  box.  and  the 
leaves  turned  occasionally  to  represent  changes  in 
pictures.  Cubes  and  pillars  were  used  for  the  con- 
struction of  everything  in  the  theater;  and  cubes  were 
seats,  while  the  pillars  served  as  ushers,  violins,  and 
flashlights.  The  dramatic  play  was  purely  imaginative. 
R  merely  conversed  about  the  happenings  in  the 
theater.  "It's  dark  now."  "Here  are  the  flash- 
lights." "More  musicians  are  coming  in."  "Here 
are  the  pictures."  "More  people  are  coming  in  and 
I'm  showing  them  where  to  sit."  "I  have  a  flash- 
light; see  it!"  "Hen'  is  a  dog  trying  to  get  in." 
'The  door  is  shut."  'The  picture  is  'most  over." 
"No!  I  was  just  fooling."     "I  got  a  flashlight." 

In  the  beginning  of  this  play  the  interest  centered  in  laying  out  a 
moving-picture  house.  After  that,  it  changed  to  interest  in  the 
events:  the  going  and  coming  of  people,  the  showing  of  pictures,  the 
flashing  of  lights,  and  the  music.  The  play,  then,  represents  a 
union  of  the  dramatic  and  the  constructive  interests. 

Airplanes.  -  As  a  result  of  several  hours'  effort  R 
evolved  some  airplanes  which  showed  the  character- 
istic features.  Then  his  interest  shifted  to  dramatic 
events.  "Watch  the  airplane  fall  down  and  burn 
up!"      "Set!    the    man     fell    out!"      He    deliberately 


THE   DRAMATIC   PLAYS   OF   ONE   CHILD       203 

destroyed  the  airplane  as  he  brought  it  to  the  ground, 
pulling  it  apart  to  represent  its  broken  condition. 
"Now  it's  on  fire!"  A  hastily  improvised  fire  engine 
came  to  the  rescue.  It  was  in  reality  nothing  but  a 
cardboard  box,  yet  it  possessed  the  requirements  of  a 
complete  fire  brigade.  In  each  oval  depression  of 
an  egg  container  sat  a  tiny  wooden  block  to  represent  a 
fireman.  The  engine  was  a  cylindrical  thing,  a  mere 
tin  can,  yet  it  assumed  dignity  and  importance  as  an 
instrument  useful  for  the  boy's  purposes.  When  the 
position  of  the  burning  airplane  was  reached,  the  fire- 
men jumped  out  to  extinguish  the  fire.  There  were 
so  many  of  them  that  they  surrounded  the  airplane. 
"Do  you  know  why  there  are  so  many  firemen?" 
asked  R;  "I  need  them  to  work."  In  a  flash  the  trend 
of  thought  changed.  "Watch  the  firecracker  shoot!" 
he  said,  vibrating  a  rubber  band  which  had  formerly 
held  the  various  parts  of  the  airplane  together.  As 
quickly  his  thought  returned  to  the  fire.  "See!  the 
firemen  have  a  net." 

This  dramatic  play  was  the  culmination  of  interest  in  building 
airplanes.  The  easy  satisfaction  afforded  by  using  oblong  blocks 
to  represent  firemen  is  characteristic  of  the  use  of  objects  at  three 
and  four  years  of  age.  The  essential  thing  in  the  play  is  the  flow  of 
imagery  connected  with  airplanes  and  fire  engines. 

Blacksmith.  —  R  had  never  visited  a  blacksmith's 
shop,  but  he  had  seen  pictures  of  the  blacksmith  at 
work,  and  was  familiar  with  songs  and  stories  de- 
scribing the  work  of  the  blacksmith.  He  built  a 
shop  out  of  wooden  blocks  with  an  anvil  in  the  center 
of  the  shop.  A  man  stood  beside  the  anvil.  "See 
his.  big  arm!"   said   R,   pointing  to  a  streak  in  the 


204        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

wooden  block  which  he  had  chosen  to  represent  the 
blacksmith.  His  mother  pretended  not  to  see  the 
blacksmith's  arm.  "  I'll  cut  an  arm,"  R  said,  and  slit 
off  a  piece  of  paper,  which  he  added  for  an  arm. 
"The  blacksmith  needs  a  hammer,"  he  said. 

This  fragmentary  knowledge  of  a  blacksmith  is  rather  character- 
istic of  the  content  of  a  four-year-old's  mind  on  a  subject  of  which  he 
has  only  superficial  knowledge. 

Warships.  —  i.  R  had  become  interested  in  pic- 
tures of  warships,  and  listened  eagerly  while  he  was 
told  a  story  of  one  which  was  fired  upon  by  a  sub- 
marine. He  examined  the  pictures  of  the  small  life- 
boats which  were  launched  to  hold  the  crew  and 
passengers  saved  by  the  enemy  before  the  boat  was 
sunk.  That  day  he  built  a  big  boat  to  represent  a 
warship  and  a  smaller  one  to  serve  as  a  submarine. 
On  the  submarine  was  a  tower  (a  candle),  guns 
(spools),  and  cannon  (paper  wads).  The  submarine 
fired  cannon  at  the  warship.  "Boat  on  fire!"  cried 
R.  "See  the  fire  engines  put  the  fire  out!"  Three 
fire  engines  appeared  on  the  scene  to  assist  the  burning 
boat.  To  an  inquiry  concerning  the  probability  of 
fire  engines  being  used  at  sea,  R  paid  no  attention. 
He  took  the  crew  off  the  warship  and  placed  them  on 
the  submarine. 

R  felt  no  sense  of  incongruity  in  this  representation.     Into  the 
construction  of  the  plot  went  the  ideas  he  had  concerning  boal 
fires.     The  content  of  children's  minds  at  four  years  reveals  many 
inadequate  bits  of  information  picked  up  in  a  hit-or-miss  way. 

2.  Eighl  warships  were  tied  loosely  together  to 
represent  a  convoy  of  boats  which  R  had  seen  pictured. 
"In    case    the    Germans    come,    they    are    ready    to 


THE   DRAMATIC   PLAYS  OF   ONE   CHILD       205 

fight,"  said  he.  One  lone  German  confronted  this 
array  of  boats.  The  German  fired  a  shot  at  the 
boats.  "He  broke  a  boat!"  said  R.  "A  bad 
German!" 

Here  again  we  see  a  four-year-old's  confused  ideas  concerning 
war,  and  his  attempt  to  picture  only  the  striking  features.  Boats 
and  a  German  were  the  forces  to  be  reckoned  with. 

Engines.  —  With  his  mother's  help,  R  cut  from 
paper  the  parts  of  an  engine  and  mounted  them  on 
cardboard.  He  then  cut  the  engine  free  from  the 
mount  and  assembled  a  train  which  when  completed 
consisted  of  an  engine  with  bell,  whistle,  wheels,  and 
smokestack,  and  six  cars  constructed  out  of  old 
envelopes.  "You  forgot  to  cut  a  cowcatcher,"  said 
his  mother.  The  engine  underwent  repairs  and 
emerged  with  a  cowcatcher  added  to  the  front.  As 
it  ran  under  a  bridge  the  paper  train  overturned. 
"  Fix  it ! "  he  said.  "You  are  the  engineer,"  his  mother 
replied;  "repair  it  yourself."  "I'm  going  to  cut  out 
a  fireman,"  said  R,  and  soon  returned  with  a  paper 
fireman.  Cutting  two  slits  in  a  paper  car,  he  inserted 
the  fireman  in  the  car,  saying,  "This  is  the  one  that 
shovels  the  coal."  Then,  pointing  to  a  place  where 
two  other  firemen  were  supposed  to  stand,  he  said, 
"These  two  firemen  tell  the  train  where  to  go." 
Throwing  two  blocks  on  the  floor  to  represent  men, 
he  exclaimed,  "See  these  men  tumble!  They  are 
going  to  get  run  over.  We'll  catch  them  on  the 
cowcatcher."  "Chu-chu-chu,"  puffed  the  train,  run- 
ning over  the  two  men.  No  attempt  was  made  to 
rescue  these  unfortunates.  Pointing  to  another  man, 
R  explained,  "He  is  the  one  who  oils  the  wheels." 


2()6        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Then  an  iron  engine  appeared.  "Why  do  engines 
switch  on  another  track?"  he  asked.  His  mother 
explained  this  to  him.  I  [e  soon  applied  the  knowledge 
gained.  "This  track  leads  to  -  — ,"  he  said.  "See 
this  other  track.  It  leads  in  a  different  direction. 
My  engine  is  switching  on  this  track  now."  Then  his 
imagination  led  him  far  afield.  "These  men  knocked 
over  the  train!  They  are  naughty  men!  Two  police- 
men are  coming  to  lock  them  in  jail.  See  the  police- 
men taking  the  men  to  jail."  He  carried  the  two 
men  off  and  whacked  them  violently  over  their  heads 
with  a  stick.  His  mother  protested,  saying,  "The 
policemen  would  put  them  in  jail."  He  next  drama- 
tized the  policeman  taking  these  two  men  to  jail. 

R's  chief  point  of  interest  in  this  play  lay  in  the  manipulation  of 
objects  with  which  he  enacted  the  scenes  and  events  he  had  con- 
nected with  trains.  He  displayed  the  kind  of  information  usual  in 
the  case  of  a  four-year-old  who  has  observed  trains  only  casually. 


PART  III 
MOVEMENT  PLAYS  OF  CHILDREN 


CHAPTER  XIV 

The  Meaning  and  Significance  of  Movement 

Movement  a  Pleasurable  and  Necessary  Accom- 
paniment of  Organic  Life.  —  Movement  is  "the  cry 
of  the  being  to  be,"  the  I  AM  of  the  human  organism. 
From  birth  until  death,  life  goes  on  in  terms  of  move- 
ment. Even  in  sleep,  when  the  body  seems  in 
perfect  repose,  the  motor  processes  of  the  internal 
organs  keep  up  a  rhythmic  flow  of  movements. 
These  are  reflex  and  automatic  acts,  initiated  entirely 
within  the  nervous  system;  they  are  not  directly 
connected  with  consciousness.  Children's  enjoyment 
of  movement  is  seen  in  their  spontaneous  expressions 
of  joy  in  even  common  forms  of  motor  activity. 
They  like  to  run  in  the  open  with  the  rush  of  the 
wind  against  their  cheeks;  they  enjoy  the  "feel"  of 
the  water  as  they  wade,  swim,  or  row,  and  they 
respond  to  the  rhythmic  flow  of  uniform  movement 
so  exhilarating  in  group  games.  When  we  see 
children  running,  skipping,  and  dancing,  we  see 
pleasure  in  movement.  Happy  laughter  accompanies 
the  spinning  of  tops,  rolling  of  hoops,  and  throwing  of 
balls.  The  delight  of  adolescents  in  sports  of  all 
kinds,  ball,  croquet,  golf,  swimming,  and  dancing, 
testifies  to  the  continuance  of  pleasure  in  movement. 
Enjoyment  in  passive  motion  such  as  is  experienced 
in  swiftly  moving  automobiles  and  in  sailing,  and  even 
in  the  more  active  forms  like  horseback  riding,  canoe- 

209 


210        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

ing,  and  rowing  lead  to  commercialized  amusements. 
Even  old  age  cherishes  its  mild  satisfaction  in  such 
motor  responses  as  knitting,  rocking,  and  smoking. 

The  Physical  Basis  of  Movement.  It  is  natural 
for  the  human  organism  to  move  when  refreshed, 
finding  pleasure  and  growth  in  movement;  and  as 
natural  for  it  to  be  annoyed  when  obstacles  interfere 
with  the  direct  output  of  motor  energy.  This 
pleasure  and  annoyance  arc  part  and  parcel  of  man's 
original  nature;  for  the  physical  basis  of  movement  is 
instinctive.  From  birth  on  the  instinct  of  physical 
activity  shows  itself  in  numerous  spontaneous  and 
involuntary  movements  which  involve  all  parts  of  the 
body.  That  these  movements  are  unlearned,  psy- 
chologists are  practically  agreed.  Fond  parents  some- 
times speak  of  teaching  a  child  to  walk.  They  are 
led  to  believe  that  they  do  so  because  of  tin-  im- 
perfections of  the  child's  first  eftorts  to  walk  and  the 
gradualness  with  which  walking  is  established  as  a 
habit.  What  the  parents  really  do  is  to  add  social 
approval  to  an  act  initiated  from  within  and  accomp- 
lished by  practice.  And  so  with  other  motor  acts  of 
children:  nature  sets  the  time  for  the  act  to  appear 
and  practice  establishes  the  habit.  Without  the 
readiness  of  the  nerves  to  act,  teaching  accomplishes 
nothing. 

A  Four-Fold  Classification  of  Movement.  Psy- 
chologists classify  the  native  tendency  toward  move- 
ment in  various  ways.  The  author  selects  the 
(  lassification  of  Norsworthy  and  Whitley,1  because  it 

1  X.  Xorsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Child- 
hood, p.  42. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  211 

affords  a  practical  basis  for  the  consideration  of 
movement  plays.  This  classification  involves:  (i) 
movements  of  gross  bodily  control;  (2)  vocalization; 
(3)  visual  exploration;  (4)  manipulation  —  all  of 
which  admit  of  separate  classifications  of  the  move- 
ment plays  recorded  and  discussed  in  succeeding 
chapters.  Examples  of  (1)  would  be  sitting,  standing, 
walking,  running,  stooping,  jumping,  leaping,  and 
crouching;  of  (2),  the  babbling  of  infants  and  other 
vocal  manifestations  out  of  which  language  is  de- 
veloped; of  (3),  which  includes  among  its  many 
phenomena  perception  of  color,  form,  and  brightness, 
also  passive  enjoyment  in  watching  movement;  of  (4), 
manipulation  with  such  plastic  materials  as  sand  and 
clay. 

Is  the  Need  of  General  Physical  Activity  Recog- 
nized? —  Although  children  under  ten  years  of  age 
are  in  almost  perpetual  motion,  little  allowance  seems 
to  be  made  by  parents  or  by  public  schools,  except  in 
the  kindergarten,  for  a  progressive  use  of  activity. 
One  investigator  found  that  the  very  young  child 
cannot  sit  motionless  more  than  thirty  seconds,  nor 
children  from  five  to  ten  years  for  more  than  one 
minute  and  a  half.  It  is  difficult  for  a  young  child  to 
repress  movement,  because  the  nerves  which  bring  on 
movement  ripen  before  those  which  control  and 
inhibit  movement.  Adults,  because  their  nervous 
systems  are  adapted  to  inhibit  movement,  find  it 
difficult  to  understand  how  much  energy  children 
consume  if  compelled  to  sit  still.  So  important  are 
posture  and  movement  as  indicative  of  nervous 
condition,  that  child  specialists  can  read  the  fatigue  or 


212        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

strength   of   the   nervous  system   from   the  gestures, 
movements,  and  postures  o\  the  body. 

Opportunity  Should  be  Supplied  for  a  Rich,  Free 
Motor  Development.  What  society  needs  is  able- 
bodied,  physically  developed  children,  yet  it  has  never 
been  willing  to  pay  the  price  for  them.  Playgrounds 
are  far  from  universally  accessible  to  children; 
kindergartens  are  supplied  for  only  a  favored  few  and 
many  elementary  school  teachers  lack  the  insight,  the 
equipment,  and  the  flexible  program  which  permit  a 
proper  emphasis  on  physical  welfare.  Even  could  the 
school  control  entirely  the  conditions  of  stimuli, 
other  factors  not  under  the  direction  of  the  school 
might  militate  against  the  development  of  able-bodied 
children.  Heredity  and  environment  are  responsible 
for  the  kind  of  nerves  and  muscles  with  which  the 
teacher  has  to  deal. 

Places  for  Motor  Education:  Home,  Playground, 
School.  —  However,  much  can  be  done  through  a 
broad  motor  education  in  the  home,  the  playground, 
and  the  school.  It  is  a  commonplace  to  suggest  that 
every  child  needs  a  rich  supply  of  accurate  automa- 
tisms, but  not  a  commonplace  to  place  the  responsi- 
bility for  acquiring  these  upon  the  home  until  the  sixth 
year.  The  child  learns  to  walk,  run,  jump,  reach. 
grasp,  and  pull,  at  home;  that  is,  he  gains  gross  control 
ol  the  large  bodily  acts  involving  movements  of  the 
trunk,  large  joints,  neek.  back,  hips,  shoulders,  knees, 
and  elbows  before  he  comes  in  contact  with  public 
school  education. 

The    nutrition    clinics    have    done    much     to    help 
provide  for  child  welfare  through  campaigns  enlisting 


214       SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

the  support  of  the  home.  Much  could  be  done  to 
enrich  the  motor  activities  of  children  by  a  similar 
campaign  to  promote  their  play  activities  in  the  home. 
The  work  of  community  play  leaders  under  the 
direction  of  the  National  Playground  Association  is 
an  attempt  to  accomplish  this  end  through  enlisting 
the  aid  of  mothers.  Mothers,  as  the  natural  con- 
servers  and  defenders  of  childhood,  should  be  taught 
the  fundamental  facts  regarding  the  nervous  and 
muscular  systems  of  children.  Just  a  little  ele- 
mentary knowledge  would  do  away  with  the  "sit 
still"  menace.  Demonstrations  of  playground  games 
with  or  without  apparatus  would  also  help. 

Household  activities  afford  splendid  opportunities 
for  physical  development,  if  used  by  parents  as  play 
activities.  Scrubbing,  sweeping,  and  dishwashing 
are  not  necessarily  irksome  tasks  to  be  quick'y  dis- 
patched. Like  woodchopping,  milking,  churning,  and 
other  common  chores  of  country  boys,  such  activities 
grow  tiresome  because  of  the  routine,  monotony,  and 
repetition  which  enter  into  their  performance.  With 
little  children  these  acts  often  partake  of  the  nature  ot 
play.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  same  type  of 
motor  energy-  called  into  use  by  these  chores  could  be 
expended  in  games  and  sports  with  no  loss  of  energy. 
Nay  more,  the  energy  used  thus  brings  exhilaration. 
zest,  and  joy  to  the  performers. 

Every  home  should  have  some  kind  of  crude  play- 
ground for  summer  use  and  indoor  apparatus  for  the 
winter.  Twenty  or  thirty  dollars  a  year  spent  on 
play  apparatus  proves  of  more  lasting  benefit  than  if 


A  Playground  in  the  Back  Yard 


216        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLA7 

expended  on  the  forms  of  commercial  recreation  for 
which  the  same  amount  of  monej  is  often  spent. 

The  playground  movement  has  passed  through  a 
rapid  and  extensive  development,  but  even  at  the 
present  time  few  cities  provide  supervision  and 
special  teachers  for  children  under  ten  years  of  age. 
Sometime,  perhaps,  we  may  arrive  at  a  realization  of 
the  fact  that  it  is  more  important  and  also  more 
economical  to  provide  for  the  fundamental  needs  of 
young  children  than  to  do  corrective  and  preventive 
work  later  on. 

That  the  primary  school  still  falls  far  short  of  mak- 
ing adequate  provision  for  the  physical  side  of  child 
development  is  revealed  by  the  long  periods  spent  at 
the  desks,  by  lack  of  workshop  equipment,  and  by  the 
scarcity  of  play  apparatus  in  a  vast  majority  of  schools. 
If  the  home  and  school  were  to  cooperate  to  their 
fullest  extent  in  physical  welfare  work,  many  a  child 
might  be  spared  the  handicap  of  going  through  life 
awkward  and  ill  at  ease,  or  lacking  those  specific 
skills  which  adapt  him  to  his  environment. 

All  Motor  Education  is  First  Concerned  With 
Inherited  Tendencies.-  The  child's  original  ten- 
dencies to  movement  come  through  reflexes,  instincts, 
and  inborn  capacities.  These  inherited  tendencies  to 
movement  are  the  first  concern  of  teachers  of  physical 
education.  At  first,  many  of  the  motor  acts  resulting 
from  the  ripening  of  inborn  connections  seem  aimless. 
Bui  they  are  most  significant  to  him  who  reads  in 
terms  of  movements.  He  who  would  understand  the 
significance  of  movement  must  study  the  neurological 
basis  for  the  automatic,  reflex,  and  instinctive  acts. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  21 7 

The  tendency  of  modern  theory  is  to  depart  from  the 
cataloging  of  instincts  as  magic  potencies  which  pro- 
duce certain  results  in  behavior.  Instead  it  recognizes 
that  what  were  formerly  considered  instincts  are 
merely  more  or  less  specialized  responses  to  certain 
actual  situations,  and  that  educational  psychology  is 
concerned  with  finding  out  the  associations  between 
actual  situations  and  their  corresponding  thoughts, 
feelings,  and  acts. 

Is  There  a  Set  Order  of  Muscular  Development?  — 
That  the  fundamental  movements  dealing  with  gross 
bodily  control  are  unlearned  has  been  previously 
stated  as  the  consensus  of  opinion  of  experts.  There 
must,  then,  be  a  rough  order  of  development,  since 
no  movements  can  appear  until  the  nerves  which 
initiate  them  function.  As  one  authority  states  in 
substance,  these  movements  must  be  "blind"  and 
"involuntary"  before  they  can  be  voluntary,  for 
control  is  dependent  upon  the  maturing  of  connections 
between  neurones  whose  action  results  in  these  various 
movements.1 

The  Doctrine  of  From  Fundamental  to  Accessory 
Muscles.  —  It  has  been  generally  accepted  that  the 
rough  order  of  muscular  development  is  from  funda- 
mental to  accessory.  This  theory,  however,  has  been 
the  subject  of  much  controversy  for  many  years  and 
has  been  variously  interpreted.  The  writer  accepts 
Shepardson's   theory2   that    the   voluntary   purposive 

1  N.  Norsworthy  and  M.  J.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Child- 
hood, p.  43. 

2  Shepardson:  A  Critique  of  the  Doctrine  of  From  Fundamental 
to  Accessory. 


218        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

control  of  muscles  is  from  those  thai  are  oldest  in 
the  race  to  those  that  arc  youngest.  This  theory  is 
strengthened  by  an  examination  of  children's  play. 
Kindergartners  were  among  the  first  to  recognize  the 
probability  that  the  order  of  controlled  muscular  de- 
velopment is  from  those  muscles  that  arc  oldest  in  tin- 
race  to  those  that  are  youngest  and  to  adapt  their 
materials  and  plays  and  games  to  its  practical  appli- 
cation. In  all  children's  spontaneous  play  the  larger 
muscles  are  the  ones  used  first  and  most  frequently, 
while  the  smaller  muscles  come  into  action  later.  And 
as  Shepardson  has  pointed  out,  when  movements  are 
voluntary,  those  involving  the  smaller  muscles  re- 
quire more  effort  than  the  movements  depending  upon 
the  larger  muscles. 

Both  Bryan  and  Hancock  have  given  us  some  experi- 
mental evidence  to  prove  that  within  a  coordinated 
series  (^  muscles  and  their  movements  the  progress 
is  from  large  to  small  muscles.  Bryan's  tests  of  the 
voluntary  control  of  the  muscles  <>!  the  shoulder- 
finger  series  in  children  from  six  to  sixteen  years  ot 
age  showed  that  the  shoulder  muscles  have  reached 
the  best  development  and  the  finger  muscles  are  leasl 
coordinated  in  the  sixth  year.  He  found  also  that  the 
linger  muscles  gain  in  rapidity  and  precision  ot  action 
after  nine  or  ten  years  of  age.1  Hancock's  tests 
emphasi/ed  the  same  findings.1      This  evidence  is  not 

1  Bryan,  W.  L.:  "On  the  Development  of  Voluntary  Motor 
Ability,"  American  Journal  oj  Pedagogy,  Vol.  V,  pp.  [25-204. 

2  Hancock,  J.  A.:  "A  Preliminary  Study  of  Motor  Ability": 
Pedagogical  Seminary,  Vol.  III.  pp.  2-29. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  219 

conclusive,  because  there  is  no  definite  period  of 
maturing  for  the  shoulder  muscles,  which  develop 
rather  uniformly  up  to  the  sixteenth  year  with  a 
slightly  slower  rate  than  the  finger  muscles. 

The  Practical  Application  of  This  Doctrine.  —  The 
most  important  practical  applications  of  this  theory 
are  probably:  (1)  the  need  of  providing  for  the  spon- 
taneous   practice    of    all    bodily    movements   before 
attempting  to  bring  them   under  voluntary  control, 
and    (2)    the   postponement   of   movements   requiring 
finer  coordinations  until  they  can  be  most  economic- 
ally used.      In  regard  to  the  first  point  we  may  say  with 
certainty  that  it  is  an  advantage  to  allow  children  to 
use  a  new  series  of  movements  in  spontaneous  play, 
time  and  time  again,  before  requiring  them  to  make 
these  movements  voluntarily.     This   means  an  atti- 
tude of  watchful  waiting  on  the  teacher's  part.     Since 
she    does    not    know   what    anatomical    concords    arc 
present,  nor  what  psychological  associations  have  been 
built  up,  she  must  find  out  by  observation  what  a 
child's  motor  associations  are  and  what  experiences 
lie  back  of  his  motor  ideas.      In  regard  to  the  second 
point,    concerning    the    postponement  of  movements 
requirmg  finer  coordinations  until  they  can  best  be 
accomplished,  it  is  well  to  remember  that  there  is  an 
opportune    time    to    teach     writing,     drawing,     clay 
modeling,  sewing,  and  weaving,  as  well  as  an  oppor- 
tune time  to  teach  dancing  and  swimming.     However, 
that  there  are  exceptions  to  the  rough  order  of  develop- 
ment from  fundamental  to  accessory  is  borne  out  by 
the  fact  that  a  few  precocious  children  ex  st  who  at 
an   early   age   perform   intricate   movements   with   a 


220        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

maximum  degree  of  dexterity,  and  l>y  the  fact  that 
infants  pick  up  small  objects  before  they  can  sit  up. 

Experimentation  Needed  to  Establish  Reliable 
Theories.  —  Thorndike  has  pointed  out  that  the  best 
attitude  that  the  teacher  of  children  from  six  to 
twelve  years  of  age  can  take  is  to  find  out,  by  trying, 
the  most  economical  time  to  teach  the  movements  she 
wishes  the  child  to  learn  and  to  make  sure,  again  by 
trying,  that  the  child's  health  is  not  impaired.  He 
believes  that  whether  the  acquisition  of  these  move- 
ments will  injure  the  child  cannot  be  foretold  by  any 
theory  about  the  development  of  the  brain  by  virtue 
of  the  inner  growth,  but  must  be  learned  by  evidences 
of  brain  exhaustion.1 

Motor  and  Psycho-motor  Tests  as  a  Guide  to  Motor 
Development.  —  Another  means  of  obtaining  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  times  in  which  certain  sets  of 
muscles  have  their  intensive  period  of  growth  is  by 
motor  and  psycho-motor  tests  on  selected  groups  of 
children.  From  the  motor  tests  we  can  find  out  what 
children's  neuro-muscular,  or  motor,  strength,  speed, 
or  steadiness  is.  From  the  psycho-motor  tests  we 
can  discover  children's  capacity  for  sensory  dis- 
crimination and  for  rapid  and  accurate  intellectual 
analysis,  also  their  power  of  adaptation  to  a  novel 
situation  of  considerable  complexity.2  The  various 
standard    tests   used    in    clinical    laboratories   are   in- 

>E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Active  Side  of  Child  Life,"  Notes  on 
Child  Study,  Columbia  University  Contributions  to  Psychology, 
Philosophy  and  Education,  Vol.  VIII,  No.  24,  p.  104. 

'-'  J.  E.  W.  Wallin:  "Age  Norms  of  Psycho-motor  Capacity," 
Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  Jan.,  toi6. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  221 

valuable  in  determining  norms  or  standards  for  sane 
and  safe  procedure.  Few  tests  have  been  made  of 
motor  ability  having  to  do  with  such  muscular  acts  as 
the  tossing  of  balls  or  rolling  of  hoops.  It  would  be 
necessary  to  test  several  hundred  children  in  order  to 
discover  at  what  age  these  movements  occur  most 
spontaneously.  Moreover,  if  education  is  to  deal 
with  shortening  the  process  of  learning  in  any  par- 
ticular skill  the  tests  would  have  to  show  essential 
movements  necessary  in  any  given  skill,  so  that 
teachers  could  help  in  the  elimination  of  useless 
movements. 

Known  Facts  concerning  the  Order  of  Development 
of  Muscles  and  of  Movements.  —  How  the  different 
parts  of  the  neuro-muscular  system  grow  and  mature 
is  seen  roughly  through  an  examination  of  facts  of 
growth  from  infancy  to  maturity.  Dearborn's  rec- 
ords of  L  show  that  her  reflex  movements  on  the  first 
day  were  respiration,  sneezing,  yawning,  grasping 
with  the  fingers,  pursing  of  the  mouth,  sucking, 
blinking  from  touch  stimulation,  and  the  inhibition 
of  crying  through  touch  stimulation.1  Warner  says 
that  the  child  at  birth  may  resent  an  attempt  to 
straighten  the  flexed  elbow.  He  also  points  out  that 
when  an  infant  of  seven  days  moves  his  limbs,  fingers, 
and  toes,  the  movements  are  slower  and  more  spon- 
taneous than  an  adult's;  that  they  are  uncontrolled 
by  external  stimulation,  and  are  not  directly  useful  to 
the  child. 

Progress  in  Babyhood.  —  We  realize  that  the 
child's    muscular    system    evidently    craves    exercise 

1  G.  V.  N.  Dearborn:  Motor-Sensory  Development,  p.  2. 


222        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

sooner  than  we  suspect,  for  the  infant  kicks,  writhes, 
and  wriggles  to  an  astonishing  degree.  This  is  not 
surprising,  since  his  muscles  comprise  approximately 
one  fourth  the  weight  of  his  body. 

The  writer  has  condensed  a  few  facts  from  Warner's 
account  of  the  further  development  of  muscular 
movements.1  When  a  child  is  a  month  old,  move- 
ments appear  in  the  face,  first  about  the  mouth,  later 
in  the  forehead.  The  limbs  move  with  more  force  and 
begin  to  effect  some  mechanical  result;  that  is,  an 
object  placed  in  the  hand  is  grasped  by  the  fingers,  and 
movements  of  the  elbow  carry  the  object  to  the 
mouth.  When  the  infant  is  three  months  old,  we 
observe  some  control  of  his  movements  through  the 
senses.  The  head  turns  toward  a  bright  light,  but  the 
hand  does  not  yet  move  straight  toward  an  object  held 
before  it.  Later  the  child  transfers  an  object  from 
one  hand  to  another;  as  the  muscles  grow  stronger,  he 
holds  his  head  up  when  the  body  is  supported,  and 
moves  his  eyes  about.  At  the  fourth  or  fifth  month 
an  object  seen  or  heard  brings  some  control  to  the 
>pontaneous  movements.  The  sight  of  a  ball  may 
stop  such  movements  and  lead  to  the  turning  of  the 
head  and  eyes  toward  the  object.  Gradually  move- 
ments follow  the  external  agencies  of  light  and 
sound,  and  special  combination-  of  movements  lead  to 
voluntary  actions. 

In  regard  to  the  beginnings  <>t  volitional  control  <>l 
movements,  Vierordt  has  the  following  to  say:  "All 
indications  point  to  the  aim  a-  firsl  becoming  obedient 
to  volition,  and   the  sucking   movements,   too,  seem 

•  p.  Warner:  The  Study  oj  Children,  pp.  41-46. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  223 

early  to  lose  their  reflex  character.  Then  follow  inten- 
tional movements  of  the  head  and  neck  and  some 
groups  of  face  muscles,  and  finally  those  of  the  lower 
limbs,  which  as  late  as  the  sixth  month  still  move  in 
the  most  haphazard  manner."1 

Progress  in  Early  Childhood.  —  By  the  time  a  child 
is  three  years  old  he  runs  and  talks  and  chatters. 
Spontaneous  movement  continues  but  action  con- 
trolled through  the  senses  is  established.  The  child 
accomplishes  the  movements  necessary  for  gross 
bodily  control  with  little  training.  As  soon  as  the 
nerves  and  muscles  of  the  leg  are  mature  he  walks. 
Bor  the  child  possesses  by  original  nature  the  tendency 
to  sit,  walk,  run,  and  climb,  and  will  perfect  these 
acts  through  experience.  The  early  movements  con- 
nected with  these  acts  become  reflex  through  practice 
and  form  the  basis  of  the  complex  actions  of  adult  life. 
We  know  little  about  the  order  of  development  of  the 
muscles  of  the  trunk,  arms,  and  legs,  but  Tyler  says 
that  the  muscles  of  the  trunk  are  most  advanced  at 
birth;  that  the  arms  are  in  advance  of  the  legs,  but 
that  the  latter  grow  more  rapidly  during  childhood. 
At  about  four  years  of  age  the  muscles  of  the  legs  begin 
to  gain  considerably.  According  to  Tyler  we  are  still 
much  in  the  dark  as  to  increase  of  muscular  girth, 
yet  it  seems  probable  that  the  girth  of  the  upper  leg 
increases  more  rapidly  during  the  first  four  years,  and 
after  this  the  calf.2 

1  K.  Vierordt:  "Physiologie  des  Kindesalters, "  Gerhardt's 
Handbiich  der  Kinderkrankheiten,  Vol.  I,  p.  181. 

2  J.  W.  Tyler:  Growth  and  Education,  chaoter  ix. 


224        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    l'LAY 

Because  each  period  of  pure  muscular  growth  is 
followed  by  a  craving  for  exercise,  the  child  walks, 
runs,  climbs,  tugs,  and  pulls  when  the  muscles  of  the 
arms,  trunk,  and  legs  crave  activity.  Besides  the 
wide  range  of  spontaneous  movements  noticeable  at 
thnc  years,  we  observe  many  acts  which  are  con- 
trolled to  a  large  extent  through  the  senses.  The 
power  to  carry  over  into  action  some  considerable 
time  later  the  impressions  gained  previously  is 
noticeable  before  the  third  year.  Every  thoughtful 
mother  observes  with  interest  the  child's  motor  re- 
productions of  her  own  acts  at  some  interval  after 
her  own  action.  In  some  way  the  child  has  secured 
vivid  sensory  impressions  of  her  acts  and  reproduces 
later  the  striking  motor  characteristics  of  her  actions. 

Progress  in  Later  Childhood.  —  Some  interesting 
facts  concerning  muscular  development  after  the  sixth 
year  have  been  emphasized  by  observers  and  experts 
in  childhood  education.  While  the  period  from  seven 
to  nine  years  is  in  general  a  period  of  slow  physical 
development,  called  by  some  authorities  a  period  oi 
regression,  by  others  a  period  of  adjustment,  motor 
activity  is  even  greater  than  before.  Muscular 
activity  is  increasing  rapidly  and  must  readapl  it-ell 
to  new  needs.  The  muscles  tire  rapidly  and  with 
boys  especially  the  strength  of  the  muscles  of  the 
fore-arm  increases  more  rapidly  than  the  cross-section 
of  the  muscles  warrant-.  Movements  of  the  fingers 
become  more  skilled  during  this  period,  but  it  i-  on 
the  whole  one  of  adjustment  tor  the  higher  motor 
centers.  As  Johnson  says,  "The  interest  in  motor 
activity   i>  now   shifting,   as  mentioned  above,   from 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  225 

interest  in  activity  to  interest  in  result. 
Details  of  motor  activity  are  coming  into  prominence, 
and  interest  in  skill  is  developing.  With  the  child's 
consciousness  of  increasing  power  and  skill  awakens 
interest  in  competition.  Therefore  he  begins  to  play 
games,  that  is,  to  play  according  to  form  and  rule 
with  other  children,  whereas,  before,  his  play  was 
largely  free,  informal,  unorganized  activity.  The 
child  is  not  yet  able  to  coordinate  his  activity  with 
that  of  others,  and  there  are  as  yet  no  truly  cooperative 
games.  *  *  *  The  child's  ambition  is  often  quite 
beyond  his  skill,  but  his  efforts  are  worthy  of  respect 
and  encouragement."1 

Tyler  speaks  of  the  relative  decrease  in  muscular 
weight  and  power  during  this  period  and  mentions 
that  it  comes  at  a  time  when  the  muscles  are  beginning 
to  crave  strenuous  exercise  which  makes  far  greater 
demands  on  the  heart  than  mere  rapid  growth  could 
cause.2 

Tyler's  measurements  of  muscular  girths  of  arm  and 
leg  were  taken  by  different  observers  from  different 
groups  of  individuals  and  are,  as  he  says,  hardly 
comparable.  "The  arm  grows  less  rapidly  than  the 
leg  up  to  about  the  eighth  or  ninth  year;  afterwards 
the  reverse  is  true.  The  running  period  is  followed  by 
one  of  greater  use  of  the  arms.  During  these  years 
the  child's  greatest  interest  lies  in  plays  calling  into 
use  the  muscles  of  arms  and  legs.  The  accelerations 
in  increase  of  girth  of  arm  and  leg  occur  at  fourteen 

1  G.  E.  Johnson:  Education  by  Plays  and  Games,  p.  73. 

2  J.  M.  Tyler:  Growth  and  Education,  pp.  140-143. 


226        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

and  sixteen  in   the  boy.     But   at   ten  the  increase  is 
usually  more  rapid  than  we  suspect."1 

These  tacts  concerning  motor  development  up  to 
the  truth  yen-  have  their  significance  in  motor  educa- 
tion in  the  home,  school,  and  playground.  The  play- 
ground affords  perhaps  the  best  opportunity  to 
improve  the  child's  readiness  to  act,  quickness  of 
movement,  accuracy,  force,  persistence,  and  ability  to 
apply  force  in  proportion  to  the  amount  ol  energy 
required.  But  since  some  of  the  causes  of  defectiv< 
motor  ability  are  disease,  uncleanliness,  fatigue,  and 
unhygienic  conditions,  as  well  as  repression,  the 
home  has  a  big  task  before  it  in  building  up  a  strong 
neuro-muscular  system.  The  school  must  cease  its 
old-time  policy  of  repression.  Some  authorities  say 
that  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  child's  school  time 
should  be  spent  in  the  seat.  To  neglect  to  provide 
the  child  with  free  opportunity  to  run,  jump,  slide, 
handle,  and  investigate  during  the  first  ten  years  of 
his  life  is  to  stunt  his  development.  It  is  poor 
economy  to  neglect  his  motor  education  in  an  attempt 
to  force  intellectual  growth  before  the  time  is  ripe  for 
the  natural  blossoming  of  the  intellectual  powers. 

The  Question  of  Method  in  Movement  Plays. 
Some  of  the  best  experts  upon  the  question  oi  method 
have  pointed  out  the  utter  futility  of  explaining  to 
children  how  to  make  certain  movements  they  have 
never  chanced  to  coordinate  spontaneously.  Only 
after  a  child  has  performed  a  muscular  act  can  he 
understand  instructions  concerning  it.  The  signifi- 
cance of  this  is  that  the  trial  and  error  method  must 
Ibid.,  p.  70. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  MOVEMENT  227 

largely  be  used  in  teaching  movements,  especially 
with  little  children,  and  in  the  beginning  stages  of  any 
new  muscular  development,  even  with  adults.  The 
best  procedure  is  to  get  the  pupil  to  attempt  some 
movements,  experiment  a  while,  and  then  give  sug- 
gestions. If  left  to  experiment  alone  too  long,  he  is 
in  danger  of  forming  bad  habits;  hence  a  teacher 
must  be  on  the  alert  to  detect  good  variations  in 
experimentation.  Trial  and  error  with  emphasis  on 
the  best  variation  is  the  only  method  which  can  be 
relied  upon  to  bring  permanent  improvement  in 
movements.  Ruger  says  that  improvement  in  habit 
formation  comes  through  cross-cuts  which  appear  by 
chance,  but  should  get  into  attentive  consciousness 
at  once.1  Imitation  plays  an  important  part  in 
perfecting  the  movements,  but  not  in  initiating  them. 
At  the  proper  moment  the  good  teacher  calls  out, 
"There!  you  have  the  right  swimming  position!"  or 
"That  is  the  best  way  to  bat!",  and  straightway  the 
performers  repeat  this  chance  variation  which  might 
have  passed  unnoticed  among  many  others.  Once  a 
performer  starts  out  to  acquire  skill  along  a  given  line, 
he  must  be  left  largely  to  himself,  except  for  some 
slight  suggestion.  A  good  play  leader  and  a  skillful 
coach  never  fail  to  follow  up  improvement  with  praise 
and  encouragement.  Neuman  says  in  substance  that 
improvement  must  be  a  conscious  aim  of  the  pupil 
himself;  that  the  arousal  of  the  will  to  improve  is  of 
fundamental    significance    in    all    mental    and    bodily 

1  H.  A.  Ruger:  "The  Psychology  of  Efficiency,"  Archives  of  Psy- 
chology, No.  15,  19 10. 


228        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

improvement.1  The  change-  in  the  attainment  of 
children  is  marked  when  their  attention  is  focused  on 
strategic  mileposts  along  the  way. 

Progress  in  Learning  Not  Continuous. —  In  all 
attempts  to  modify  movement  through  instruction 
it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that  progress  is  not 
continuous.  Growth  and  improvement  are  irregular 
and  gradual.  The  child  proceeds  for  a  while  in  a 
condition  of  mental  uncertainty  until  suddenly  almost 
by  jumps  he  arrives  at  a  stage  where  the  desired 
movements  become  automatic.  These  periods  of  no 
progress,  or  "plateaus,"  are  considered  by  Book  to  be 
due  to  lengthy  periods  of  "lapses  in  attention,  relaxa- 
tions of  interest  and  effort,"  and  should  be  overcome.2 

1  E.  Meuman:  The  Psychology  of  Learning,  p.  362. 

2  W.  F.  Book:  The  Psychology  of  Skill,  p.  148. 


CHAPTER  XV 

The  Value  of  Games  of  Skill  and  of  Play 
Apparatus  in  Motor  Education 

Plays  and  Games  of  Skill  Differentiated  from 
Dramatic  Plays.  —  The  significance  of  dramatic  plays 
in  motor  education  has  been  fully  considered  in  Part  I. 
In  dramatic  plays  the  muscular  exercise  furnishes  only 
a  small  part  of  the  pleasure,  while  perceptual  or  imagin- 
ative or  constructive  interests  furnish  the  larger  part. 
In  plays  and  games  of  skill  the  chief  pleasure  derived 
is  in  voluntary  motor  achievement. 

In  a  broad  classification  such  as  "Movement 
Plays"  it  is  important  to  discriminate  between  a 
play  and  a  game.  Children  run,  leap,  jump,  throw, 
and  catch,  singly  or  in  pairs,  and  much  of  their  playful 
experimentation  is  not  guided  by  rules,  but  proceeds 
according  to  chance  and  interest.  Whenever  their 
plays  are  guided  by  set  rules,  we  have  a  game  as 
distinguished  from  a  play.  It  is  thus  seen  that 
games  of  skill  may  occur  with  or  without  apparatus 
and  play  accessories  such  as  bats,  balls,  and  marbles. 

The  Genesis  of  Games  of  Skill.  —  A  survey  of  the 
classification  of  games  of  skill  discloses  the.  important 
fact  that  traditional  games  of  skill  as  well  as  traditional 
dramatic  games  reveal  customs  that  have  come  down 
to  us  from  times  when  practices  were  in  vogue  which 
had  nothing  to  do  with  games.  Playing  at  games  for 
stakes  involving  life  or  death  to  the  winner  or  the 
possession  of  the  loser's  property  is  found  to  be  a 

229 


230        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

common  custom  of  peoples  in  widely  different  environ- 
ment. The  cathedrals,  churches,  and  monastic  build- 
ings of  the  Middle  Ages  reveal  diagrams  and  plans 
carved  on  the  walls  or  floors  which  show  that  the  boys 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  probably  the  monks  and 
shepherds  too,  indulged  in  games  of  skill  in  which 
diagrams  or  plans  were  used.  There  is  evidence  to 
show  that  some  of  the  games  of  handball  are  out- 
growths of  divination,  and  that  the  ball  games  played 
by  two  opposite  parties  with  bats  and  sticks  have 
developed  from  early  contests  in  towns.1  All  play 
among  savages  is  as  close  to  actual  life  experience  as 
is  the  ease  with  children.  In  the  ordeal  and  the 
religious  plays,  and  in  the  gambling  games,  there  is  no 
separation  at  all.  It  thus  seems  evident  that  games 
of  skill  as  well  as  dramatic  plays  were  in  origin 
directly  connected  with  experience,  and  became  un- 
related only  when  conventionalized  and  handed  down 
by  one  generation  to  another  as  traditional  games. 

Beginning  with  simple  movement  plays  character- 
ized by  moderate  motor  activity  and  little  or  no 
organization,  such  as  hoop-rolling,  tossing  and  catch- 
ing a  ball  in  repetitive  fashion,  juggling  objects  on  the 
hands  and  feet,  and  balancing  objects  on  the  head,  we 
can  trace  development  in  organization  up  to  games  in 
which  tossing,  rolling,  and  throwing  are  carried  on  in 
an  undefined  group.  Usually  one  person  is  a  chief 
performer  while  others  react  to  his  actions.  There  is 
often  some  cooperation  from  others  and  some  social 
feeling  from  the  participants. 

1  A.  B.  Gomjne:  Dictionary  of  British  Folk-Lore,  Vol.  II,  Part  I. 
pp.  47075. 


THE   VALUE    OF    GAMES   OF    SKILL  23 1 

Progression  in  the  Organization  of  Games  of  Skill. — 
Gradually  the  group  action  becomes  defined.  Every- 
one playing  does  the  same  thing  as  the  others,  either 
simultaneously  or  successively.  And  more,  each 
person  tries  not  only  to  repeat  the  act,  but  to  perform 
it  more  skillfully  than  it  has  previously  been  done. 
This  last  type  of  organization  is  a  real  game  of  skill, 
for  each  player  is  training  himself  by  repetition  and 
effort  to  compete  satisfactorily  with  others.  The 
method  of  accomplishing  the  act  has  become  more 
important  than  the  act  itself.  Examples  of  such 
games  will  be  found  in  the  records;  they  include  tossing 
a  ball  from  one  to  another,  throwing  at  a  mark,  foot 
races,  contests  of  strength  in  carrying  and  lifting, 
arching  games,  ring  toss,  and  many  others.  A 
higher  type  of  organization  in  the  games  recorded 
involves  games  in  which  two  undefined  groups  play 
against  each  other.  Here  each  player  must  not  only 
govern  his  own  actions  by  the  rules  of  the  games,  but 
he  must  cooperate  with  others  in  so  doing.  Examples 
of  such  games  are  found  in  tug-of-war  contests  and 
in  the  various  tag  games  played  in  pairs.  This  type 
of  organization  is  about  as  high  a  type  as  we  see 
develop  in  the  plays  of  children  under  ten  years  of  age. 

Games  of  Skill  Correlated  With  Intelligence.  - 
Miss  L.  Estelle  Appleton,1  in  a  comparative  study  of 
the  play  activities  of  adult  savages  and  civilized 
children,  finds  that  advanced  types  of  games  of  skill 
are  entirely  lacking  among  the  adult  Veddahs;  that 
they  are  almost  wholly  so  among  the  Central  Austral- 

1  L.  E.  Appleton:  A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of 
Adult  Savages  and  Civilized  Children,  pp.  40-41. 


232        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED   PLAY 

ians;  that  they  are  somewhat  developed  among  the 
Yahgans,  more  developed  among  the  Bushmen,  and 
comparatively  well  developed  among  the  Eskimos. 
She  thus  draws  the  conclusion  that  games  of  skill 
occur  in  increasing  numbers  among  the  more  highly 
civilized  tribes.  She  points  out  the  fact  that  games 
of  skill  are  really  games  of  practical  judgment  based 
upon  concrete  conditions.  They  are.  therefore,  direct- 
ly correlated  with  intelligence.  Miss  Appleton  also 
points  out  that  the  general  and  specialized  use  of  the 
muscles  has  a  much  larger  place  in  the  life  of  the 
Eskimo  than  in  the  other  groups.  The  Eskimo,  like 
civilized  children,  voluntarily  subjects  himself  to 
muscular  drill  and  exercise. 

Sense  Education  Through  Plays  and  Games  and 
Experimentation  on  Apparatus.-  Rousseau  was  one 
of  the  first  educators  to  observe  that  the  senses  are 
directly  connected  with  motor  activities,  with  the  use 
of  the  hands  and  legs.  He  stated  emphatically  that 
it  is  nut  enough  to  use  the  senses  in  order  to  train 
them,  but  that  we  must  learn  to  judge  1  >y  their  use. 
He  placed  great  stress  on  the  quality  of  thinking  con- 
nected with  sense  observation,  thus  making  the 
senses  primarily  active  motor  organs.  Educators  ol 
the  present  day  realize  that  most  of  this  active  sense 
experimentation  goes  on  through  movement  plays 
with  or  without  apparatus.  We  talk  a  great  deal 
about  the  important  motor  tasks  a  child  must  accomp- 
lish in  early  childhood,  but  we  sometimes  lose  sight  of 
the  ways  and  means  he  unconsciously  adopts  i)  to 
accomplish  the  reflex  movements  connected  with  the 
spinal    cord;    (2)    to    coordinate    the    muscles    oi    the 


THE   VALUE   OF   GAMES   OF   SKILL  233 

trunk,  shoulders,  and  legs  as  a  result  of  the  growth  of 
the  cerebellum;  and  (3)  to  mature  the  motor  and 
sensory  centers  in  the  cerebrum  controlling  the 
heavier  and  finer  muscular  adjustments.  A  child 
accomplishes  these  tasks  by  games  of  skill  and  move- 
ment plays  on  such  apparatus  as  swings,  slides,  and 
parallel  bars.  These  movement  plays  stimulate  the 
physical  development  of  the  growing  body.  Many 
plays  afford  stimulation  for  the  use  of  the  entire  body, 
while  others  affect  only  specialized  motor  organs  such 
as  the  hands  and  legs.  The  specific  skills  attained  are 
connected  with  useful  life  activities  such  as  reaching, 
pulling,  grasping,  walking,  hopping,  and  climbing. 
The  motor  tasks  set  by  the  children  are  children's 
tasks,  not  adults'.  And  the  situations  in  which  motor 
education  goes  on  are  social  situations  preeminently 
suited  for  development  and  education. 

It  is  Difficult  to  Separate  Plays  and  Games  Involving 
the  Muscles  of  the  Whole  Body  from  Those  Involving 
only  Parts  of  It.  —  It  would  be  difficult  to  separate 
the  plays  of  skill  and  competition  involving  the  whole 
muscular  system  from  the  plays  involving  parts  of  it. 
In  the  first  place,  only  a  specialist  can  know  accurately 
just  what  parts  of  the  neuro-muscular  system  are 
involved  in  each  play.  In  the  second  place,  even 
where  the  chief  activity  may  be  located  in  the  arms, 
hands,  or  limbs,  the  muscles  of  the  entire  body  are 
often  tense  and  are  found  to  be  cooperating  through 
resistance.  For  example,  even  the  games  and  con- 
tests demanding  specialized  muscular  control  such  as 
marbles,  juggling,  jackstraws,  tossing  balls,  cats' 
cradle,  parchesi,  bean  bags,  roller  skates,  and  bicycling 


234        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

demand  cooperation  from  other  series  <>t  muscles  than 
those  directly  involved.  The  most  important  thing 
to  keep  in  mind  is  that  it  has  been  established  beyond 
question  that,  when  children  are  left  alone  to  find 
amusemenl  and  exercise  as  their  impulses  direct,  by 
far  the  greater  part  of  their  games  involve  activity  ol 
the  whole  body.1 

Play  Apparatus  as  a  Means  of  Motor  Education. 
The  value  of  play  apparatus  for  children  under  ten 
years  of  age  is  less  commonly  recognized  than  the 
benefit  to  be  derived  from  plays  and  games.  We  are 
just  beginning  to  realize  that  play  apparatus  affords 
an  excellent  opportunity  for  motor  education  in  a 
social  environment.  Sometimes  the  child  plays  aim- 
lessly and  the  main  benefits  derived  are  improved 
(ire  ulation  and  respiration.  More  often  he  plays  to 
accomplish  some  objective,  such  as  to  slide  down  the 
slide  backward,  or  to  climb  high  on  the  parallel 
bar  fence.  In  attaining  his  ends  the  body  is  brought 
into  positions  and  situations  that  present  obstacles, 
and  to  overcome  these  obstacles  requires  as  much 
thought  involving  foresight  of  consequences,  com- 
parison, and  judgment  as  is  called  into  play  in  solving 
problems  in  arithmetic  or  in  the  study  of  history  and 
geography. 

Practical  Judgments  Involved  in  Play  with  Ap- 
paratus. Main  adults  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
the  child  has  consciously  to  build  up  the  neuro-mus- 
cular  coordinations  involved  in  reaching,  pulling, 
walking,  and  running.      For  example,  when   he  learns 

1  L.  1-:.  Appleton:  .1  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activitl 
Adult  Savages  and  Civilized  Children,  p.  44. 


THE   VALUE   OF   GAMES   OF   SKILL  235 

to  walk,  hfe  attention  is  fixed  for  'a  while  upon  the 
details  of  the  movements.  Soon  the  nerve  centers 
take  over  the  control  of  the  required  movements  and 
he  is  able  to  make  them  automatically.  He  thinks 
only  of  the  end  to  be  attained,  which  may  be  some 
object  to  reach,  some  place  at  which  to  arrive.  To 
make  the  arms  and  legs  move  together  properly  in 
situations  required  of  him  is  his  chief  problem  for  a 
number  of  years.  Motor  education  centers  about  the 
acts  which  make  this  possible.  Play  apparatus 
involves  such  a  wide  range  of  muscular  activities  that 
the  child  experiences  no  difficulty  in  constructing 
plays  suitable  to  his  particular  needs  at  a  particular 
time.  He  plays  on  the  slide  one  way  at  three  years 
and  another  way  at  six,  because  even  the  intervening 
three  years  bring  marked  changes  in  the  needs  of  his 
rapidly  developing  body.  To  those  who  feel  that 
apparatus  for  play  is  purposeless,  the  following  ex- 
ample may  bring  a  realization  of  the  type  of  thinking 
required  in  bringing  about  the  necessary  neuro- 
muscular coordinations. 

A  little  boy  of  five  years  made  his  first  perilous 
journey  down  the  slide.  Clinging  to  the  side  railing 
he  let  himself  be  swept  downward  by  the  force  of 
gravitation.  His  little  face  was  all  puckered  up  with 
anxiety,  but  this  expression  changed  to  delight  as  he 
landed  safely  on  the  gymnasium  mat  with  only  a 
slight  shock.  Quickly  running  back  he  repeated  the 
feat  over  and  over  again,  changing  the  rapidity  of 
his  descent  by  strength  of  grip.  At  last  he  dared  to 
make  the  journey  downward  without  holding  on. 
Having  mastered  this  problem,   he  began  to  experi- 


236        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

ment  in  other  ways.  One  day  he  noticed  another  boy 
sliding  downward  in  a  swimming  position,  without 
touching  his  hands  or  feet  to  the  side  railing.  The 
first  time  he  tried  to  imitate  this  act,  he  failed  to  get 
the  right  position,  and,  not  trusting  himself,  caught 
hold  of  the  side  railing  several  times.  After  much 
selection  of  means  and  ends,  a  process  in  which  mind 
and  muscle  worked  out  the  problem,  he  made  the 
descent  much  as  the  other  boy  had  made  it,  then 
repeated  the  act  several  times  with  evident  enjoy- 
ment. To  a  careful  observer  the  thinking  process 
involved  in  these  acts  was  none  the  less  important 
because  the  end  was  reached  by  means  of  the  whole 
body. 

Summary  of  the  Values  of  Plays  and  Games  of 
Skill  and  Experimentation  with  Play  Apparatus.  —  It 
is  apparent,  then,  that  both  plays  and  games  of  skill 
and  experimentation  with  play  apparatus  bring  the 
body  into  positions  and  situations  presenting  obstacles 
the  overcoming  of  which  brings  progressive  control  of 
the  neuro-muscular  system;  that  the  method  of 
gaining  control  involves  foresight  of  consequences, 
and  practical  judgment;  that  these  plays  afford 
stimulation  for  the  use  of  the  whole  body  as  well  as 
for  parts  of  it;  that  the  specific  skills  attained  are 
connected  with  useful  movements  such  as  reaching, 
pulling  walking,  running,  and  climbing;  that  the 
situation  in  which  motor  education  goes  on  is  a 
social  situation,  especially  suited  for  the  development 
of  small  children. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Kicking, 

Creeping,  Climbing,  Walking,  Running,  Skipping, 

Leaping,  and  Jumping  Plays 

Movements  Preparatory  to  Creeping  and  Hitch- 
ing. —  This  group  of  movement  plays  is  one  of  the 
first  to  develop  in  early  infancy,  inasmuch  as  through 
combinations  of  kicking,  rolling,  hitching,  creeping, 
and  walking  the  child  soon  learns  to  propel  himself 
toward  coveted  objects  and  places.  The  infant's 
spontaneous  kicking  plays  an  important  part  in 
strengthening  his  muscles  of  the  trunk  and  limbs  for 
the  later  activities  of  creeping  and  walking.  Froebel 
points  out  the  part  a  wise  and  loving  mother  can  take 
in  the  motor  education  of  her  child  by  playfully 
responding  to  his  spontaneous  kicking  movements. 
Raising  the  body  and  learning  to  sit  upright  is  usually 
accomplished  by  the  child  at  about  six  months.  That 
this  is  a  pleasurable  achievement  is  evidenced  by  the 
signs  of  exhilaration  accompanying  its  performance. 
Not  many  months  later,  a  child  seated  on  the  floor 
rolls,  tips,  or  hitches  toward  an  object  he  desires. 
Mrs.  Tilley's  records  show  the  development  of  these 
spontaneous  movements.  (i82d  day.)  "This  after- 
noon he  (the  first  child)  was  sitting  on  the  floor,  and 
when  his  plaything  rolled  away  from  him,  he  rolled 
over  on  his  stomach  and  crept  after  it."  (199th 
day.)     "The   second   child,    when   lying   down,    rolls 

237 


238        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

vigorously  toward  an  object  near  by.  If  sitting  up, 
he  will  reach,  topple  over,  and  reach  till  he  gets  the 
object."' 

A  study  of  150  children,  males  and  females  equally 
divided,  showed  that  60  per  cent,  crept,  30  per  cent. 
moved  along  by  hitching,  7  per  cent,  moved  by  rolling, 
and  3  per  cent,  moved  by  crawling,  "swimming."  or 
some  other  means  peculiar  to  the  individual.2  01  the 
development  of  creeping,  the  following  description  by 
Sigismund  gives  an  illuminating  account: 

Creeping.  —  "  It  is  a  treat  to  watch  a  creeping  child. 
The  tiny  creature,  seated  on  the  floor,  longs  for  some- 
thing beyond  his  reach;  straining  to  get  it  he  loses  his 
balance  and  falls  over.  In  that  position  he  still 
reaches  out  his  hand,  and  notices  that  he  is  nearer 
the  object  of  his  desire,  and  that  a  few  more  such 
forward  movements  would  attain  it.  Soon  he  be- 
comes more  active,  sure,  and  courageous,  and  learns  to 
maintain  his  center  of  gravity  on  three  supports  while 
he  lifts  the  fourth  member  for  his  next  step  forward; 
for  at  first  the  child  raises  but  one  limb  at  a  time, 
though  he  soon  learns  to  use  the  right  hand  and  left 
foot  together.  I  have  never  seen  one  so  use  the  hand 
and  foot  on  the  same  side.  Sometimes  the  child 
crawls  backward  like  a  crab,  even  when  there  is 
nothing  before  him  which  he  wishes  to  shun."3 

1  L.  R.  Tilley:  "The  Development  of  Two  Baby  Boys,"  Associa- 
tion of  Collegiate  Alumnae  Publications,  1910-11,  p.  54- 

A.  W.  Trettien:  "Creeping  and  Walking,"  American  Journal  of 
Psychology,  Vol.  XII,  p.  31. 

3  K.  I  ! roo      The  Play  of  Man,  p.  70. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  239 

Hitching.  —  I  once  observed  closely  for  a  period  of 
several  days  the  efforts  of  one  child  learning  to  hitch. 
The  child  reached  out  for  an  object  just  beyond  his 
grasp;  failing  to  get  it,  he  rolled  over  accidentally  and 
found  himself  in  a  position  to  reach  the  coveted  ob- 
ject. A  couple  of  days  later,  he  stretched  his  arms 
out  toward  an  object  and  tipped  over  several  times  in 
succession,  finding  himself  three  feet  away  from  the 
place  in  which  he  had  started.  Ten  days  after  this 
he  had  acquired  a  uniform  position  for  these  excur- 
sions toward  objects;  placing  both  hands  together  on 
the  floor  he  raised  his  trunk  up  and  forward,  pushing 
in  oar-like  fashion  with  his  right  leg.  Soon  he  had 
acquired  considerable  skill  in  scuttling  frog-like  over 
the  floor,  often  choosing  favorite  places  to  journey 
toward,  or  foil-owing  the  various  members  of  the- 
family  about. 

Learning  to  Walk.  —  With  the  same  child,  walking 
was  accidentally  and  mechanically  induced  when  a 
low  taboret  beside  which  he  was  standing  slid  several 
feet  on  a  waxed  floor,  pulling  him  along  with  it. 
Frightened,  but  holding  on  to  the  taboret,  he  went 
mechanically  through  the  semblance  of  walking.  A 
few  days  later  he  voluntarily  took  several  steps  from 
a  chair  to  a  near-by  table.  Walking  proper,  however, 
appeared  quite  suddenly  and  unexpectedly.  Standing 
beside  a  chair  R  walked  confidently  across  the  room, 
crept  back  to  his  starting  point,  and  walked  across 
again,  turning  to  walk  in  another  direction.  Soon  he 
was  heard  walking  in  the  next  room.  Following,  I 
saw  him  creep  back  to  the  window-seat  and  make 
several  futile  attempts  to  cross  the  room.     His  entire 


24"        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

being  revealed  signs  of  exhilaration  and  excitement; 
his  face  was  pink  and  glowing  with  pride,  his  arms 
slightly  outstretched,  and  his  legs  spread  far  apart 
to  aid  in  balancing  his  trunk,  while  his  breathing  was 
rapid    and    slightly    labored.     The    following   day    he 


•;. 

f 

'    *__    Afl^-i 

% 

r    "               v       ^ 

Walking  Is  a  Mechanical  Problem  at  First 

started  the  same  experimentation  in  the  same  room, 
going  over  and  over  the  identical  course  where  he  had 
achieved  a  victory  the  preceding  day.1 

Walking   a   Mechanical   Problem   Until   the   Third 
Year.  —  Walking  remains  a  mechanical  problem  until 
1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  24 1 

about  the  third  year.  Until  the  seventh  year  the 
torso  is  heavy  in  proportion  to  the  legs;  because  of 
this  the  legs  tire  from  supporting  it.  The  child  quite 
unconsciously  throws  himself  down  flat  and  rolls  and 
tumbles  about,  recuperating  for  further  effort. 

The  Parallel  Bar  Fence. --To  protect  the  child 
from  undue  strain,  Montessori  advocates  the  use  of 
several  pieces  of  apparatus,  the  spontaneous  use  of 
which  exercises  the  limbs  while  allowing  some  support 
of  the  weight  of  the  torso  to  fall  upon  the  arms.  One 
of  these  pieces  of  apparatus,  a  parallel  bar  fence, 
deserves  special  mention  in  connection  with  walking 
plays.  The  writer  has  tried  an  adaptation  of  this 
fence  with  good  results.  It  consists  of  two  hardwood 
poles,  eight  feet  long,  which  fit  into  a  series  of  holes 
in  two  upright  posts  supported  by  a  heavy  base  four 
inches  wide.  Little  tots  walk  sideways  along  this  base 
while  clinging  to  the  pole  above.  In  this  way  they 
exercise  the  muscles  of  the  legs,  trunk,  and  arms, 
without  throwing  the  entire  weight  of  the  torso  on  the 
legs,  where  constant  strain  of  this  kind  should  be 
avoided.  The  older  children  enjoy  performing  feats 
on  the  upper  bars  over  a  gymnasium  mat  and  use  it  in 
games  of  skill  and  dramatic  games  which  they  invent. 

Walking  Boards.  —  To  meet  children's  tendency 
to  walk  on  curbings,  fences,  and,  in  unguarded 
moments,  along  precipices  or  railroad  tracks,  several 
types  of  walking  boards  were  introduced  into  the 
Pittsburgh  playrooms  and  playgrounds  for  small 
children.  For  children  under  four  years,  the  boards 
used  were  twelve  feet  long  and  five  inches  wide. 
They  were  elevated  from  the  floor  by  three-inch  blocks 


2-p        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

nailed  securely  underneath.  Narrower  boards,  more 
highly  elevated,  were  used  for  children  up  to  seven 
years  old,  while  joists  wen-  found  suitable  for  the  use 
of  children  above  seven  years. 

Walking  on  Stilts,  Snow  Shoes,  or  Skis.  Any 
careful  student  of  spontaneous  play  can  observe  a  large 
number  of  walking  plays  in  which  children  invent 
mechanical  obstacles  to  add  zest  to  walking.  (  >ne 
-mall  hoy  when  only  two  years  of  age  delighted  to 
strut  about  in  his  father's  bath  slippers.  At  another 
time  he  was  seen  paddling  about  with  his  feet  encased 
in  coffee  cans.  After  watching  boys  ski,  he  was 
observed  to  slide  about  on  some  smooth  boards  with 
considerable  enjoyment.  He  soon  acquired  skill  in 
skating  on  these  boards  without  losing  the  hold  of  his 
feet  on  the  boards.  Walking  on  stilts  is  an  experience 
every  boy  or  girl  enjoys  sometime  during  childhood. 
With  the  increased  height  stilts  afford  it  is  pleasant 
to  strut  about,  reveling  in  the  power  to  control  the 
new  instrument  of  locomotion.  Walking  on  snow- 
shoes  and  skiing  are  delightful  sports  in  childhood; 
and  justly  so,  for  to  exhilaration  from  the  effort  ol 
movement  is  added  pleasure  in  swift  gliding  motion. 

Hopping  and  Skipping  are  Natural  Variations  of 
Walking  Plays.  -  Hopping  and  skipping  are  as  much 
a  part  of  the  walking  plays  of  children  as  leaping  and 
galloping  are  native  to  young  animals.  The  writer 
has  seen  children,  ju-t  learning  to  walk,  take  a  sudden 
leap  or  several  running  steps.  It  i>  almost  as  it  for 
sheer  joy  of  living  their  bodies  bounded  forward  and 
upward.  In  these  movements  the  body  is  suspended 
in  the  aii-  for  an  instant.     In  ihe  skipping  and  hopping 


MOVEMENTS    OF    BODILY    CONTROL  243 

movements  so  common  to  children,  one  foot  at  a 
time  is  thrust  forward  and  is  sustained  by  a  hop  on  the 
same  foot.  Some  children  find  it  difficult  at  first  to 
alternate  the  feet  in  skipping,  and  drag  one  foot  back 
of  the  one  they  thrust  forward.  The  skip  gives  us 
the  beginning  of  a  gallop  and  the  principle  of  the  waltz. 
There  are  games  in  which  children  skip  or  hop  to 
accomplish  some  end,  such  as  in  Skip  Tag  or  Hop 
Scotch.  A  few  games  demand  a  forfeit  if  the  skip 
step  is  lost  during  the  performance  of  some  feat. 

Running.  —  From  the  second  year  on,  the  child 
takes  great  pleasure  in  running.  Left  on  his  own 
devices  out-of-doors,  a  normal  child  of  two  or  three 
years  spends  much  of  his  time  running  actively  about 
from  place  to  place.  While  these  journeys  are  largely 
induced  by  curiosity  about  new  sights  or  sounds,  a 
large  part  of  the  pleasure  results  from  joy  in  the 
exercise  itself. 

Running  Plays  and  Games.  —  Running  plays  and 
games  appear  just  after  the  time  of  acceleration  in 
growth  of  the  muscles  of  the  legs.  The  period  from 
seven  to  nine  years  is  regarded  by  most  authorities  as 
the  time  for  the  greatest  interest  in  running  games. 
Boys'  interest  in  such  games  continues  high  and 
reaches  its  greatest  development  at  the  age  of  ten  to 
twelve,  while  girls'  interest  in  running  games  is  far 
below  that  of  boys  and  declines  rapidly  after  the 
eighth  year.  When  running  becomes  no  longer  an 
end  in  itself  but  a  means  to  the  accomplishment  of  an 
end,  we  have  the  beginning  of  a  game  of  skill.  Such 
games  are  Puss  in  the  Corner,  Follow  the  Leader, 
Going   to  Jerusalem,    Ruth   and   Jacob,    How   Many 


^44 


SPONTANEOUS    AND    SUPERVISED    PLAY 


Miles  to  Babylon,  Hill  Dill,  Drop  the  Handkerchief, 
Black  and  White,  Bull  in  the  Ring,  one-  and  three- 
legged  races,  and  wheelbarrow  races. 

Climbing.        Although  climbing  has  been  mentioned 
with  creeping  and  jumping  plays  in  connection  with 

which  it  first  appears, 
other  aspects  of  it 
deserve  special  men- 
tion. Groos  asserts 
that  climbing  is  prob- 
ably the  outcome  of 
a  special  instinct.1 
Thorndike  lists  climb- 
ing and  sitting,  run- 
ning, stooping,  jump- 
ing, leaping,  dodging, 
and  other  movements 
a  s  o  n  e  s  t  h  a  t  h  e 
considers  unlearned. 
Opinions  can  be  cited 
to  support  the  opposite 
view  also  in  the  case  of 
climbing.  1 1  is  outside 
the  province  of  this 
book  to  enter  into  .1 
discussit  >n  of  this  point. 
However,  the  writer's  observations  of  children's  spon- 
taneous play  seem  to  indicate  the  unlearnedness  of  this 
tendency.  Whichever  viewpoinl  we  subscribe  to,  the 
1  K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  p.  87. 

-  E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  II,  pp.  47-4'). 


Sl'llN  lAMuls    I 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL 


245 


practical  considerations  as  to  the  place  and  value 
of  climbing  in  motor  education  remain  of  paramount 
significance.  We  do  not  need  to  be  culture-epoch 
theorists  to  believe  in  the  value  of  climbing  to  stim- 
ulate good  circulation  and  to  improve  lung  capacity, 
as  well  as  to  build  up 
the  muscles  of  the  trunk 
and  limbs. 

Robinson  called  our 
attention  to  the  fact 
that  a  newborn  infant 
was  able  to  cling  by  his 
hands,  sustaining  his 
weight.  Even  casual 
observers  note  the  way 
a  baby  in  arms  climbs 
upon  his  mother's 
breast  and  pulls  himself 

up  to  her  lap  from  the  floor.  As  soon  as  he  learns 
to  creep,  climbing  upon  low  boxes  and  upstairs  is  a 
daily  pastime. 

When  the  time  comes  in  which  a  boy  braves  danger 
to  climb  high  trees,  or  scale  low  buildings,  rocks,  and 
cliffs,  parents  and  teachers  should  know  what  to 
substitute  for  these  hazardous  undertakings. 

Realizing  from  an  exhibition  of  such  adventurous 
climbing  that  the  youth  longs  for  an  opportunity  to 
measure  his  strength  against  something,  we  may  devise 
play  apparatus  which  will  call  forth  from  the  boy  the 
spirit  of  adventure  and  desire  for  prowess.  The 
climbing  rope  affords  children  under  ten  years  of  age 
abundant  opportunity  to  gain  skill  in  climbing  and 


Spontaneous  Climbing 


24"        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

subjects  them  to  none  of  the  hazards  they  inert  in 
promiscuous  climbing  on  fire-escapes  and  dangerous 
buildings.  A  climbing  rope  may  be  purchased  from 
any  dealer  in  athletic  supplies  or  made  by  suspending 
a  strong  rope  knotted  at  the  bottom  from  a  strong, 
closed  iron  hook.  The  children  like  to  pull  them- 
selves up  and  down  the  rope  and  to  swing  hack  and 
forth.  As  they  gain  power  in  prehension  they  try  new 
stunts  by  swinging  from  the  rope  to  a  low  trapeze 
which  can  he  placed  near  by,  or  by  swinging  and 
jumping  to  the  ground.  Main'  dramatic  games  Mich 
as  fireman  and  life  saver  are  enacted  on  these  two 
pieces  of  apparatus. 

Boys  from  eight  to  ten  years  of  age  enjoy  playing 
part  of  the  time  on  the  boys'  separate  playground 
where  teeter  ladders  and  high  apparatus  permit  more 
venturesome  climbing  and  sliding.  Many  common 
types  of  climbing  apparatus  would  be  too  dangerous 
for  a  small  playground  for  small  children. 

Jumping.  Pleasure  in  jumping  comes  not  only 
from  the  free  and  swift  movemenl  downward,  but 
from  a  certain  glory  in  achievement.  Jumping  and 
climbing  plays  appear  almost  simultaneously.  Chil- 
dren learn  to  jump  in  connection  with  early  efforts  in 
dim]  »ing. 

One  child  two  years  old  considered  jumping  from  a 
footstool  a  great  achievement.  He  would  run  to  his 
parents  before  each  jump  exclaiming,  "l)umi)  down, 
dump  down!"  He  also  enjoyed  jumping  downstair-, 
step  by  -tip.  Soon  the  window  seat  was  the  scene  of 
new  conquests,  lie  also  climbed  upon  a  three-foot 
embankment,    then    half   slid,    half   jumped,    down    it- 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  247 

grassy  slope.  Anyone  who  observes  children's  spon- 
taneous play  notes  how  early  competition  enters  into 
their  climbing  and  jumping  activities.  "I  can  jump 
farther  than  you!"  is  a  common  boast.  The  kinder- 
garten has  utilized  leaping  and  running  and  jumping 
in  many  of  its  plays  and  games.  Circus  horses  leap, 
run,  and  jump  over  brooms  held  higher  and  higher. 
Trick  dogs  and  ponies  perform  many  familiar  opera- 
tions. Later  these  movements  are  utilized  in  rhythms. 
Montessori  invented  a  piece  of  apparatus  adapted 
for  the  broad  jump.1  It  consists  of  a  low  wooden 
platform  painted  with  various  lines  by  means  of  which 
the  distance  jumped  may  be  gauged.  There  is  a  small 
flight  of  stairs  which  may  be  used  in  connection  with 
the  platform,  making  it  possible  to  practice  and  to 
measure  the  high  jump.  The  writer  has  found  the 
adjustable  stairs  belonging  to  the  playroom  slides 
fully  as  satisfactory  as  the  Montessori  apparatus. 
The  children  mark  off  distances  on  the  ground  and 
derive  much  pleasure  from  measuring  one  another's 
jumps.  The  springboard  used  in  gymnasiums  can 
be  built  specially  for  little  children's  play.  It  should 
be  lighter  and  more  flexible  and  should  have  a  longer 
slope.  If  it  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  room  the 
children  run  and  jump  various  distances  from  it  on  to 
the  gymnasium  mat.  They  like  also  to  stand  on  the 
highest  point  of  the  springboard  and  jump  up  and 
down.  Various  dramatic  games  such  as  train  and  life 
savers  and  boat  plays  take  place  on  this  piece  of 
apparatus. 

1  M.  Montessori:  The  Montessori  Method,  p.  143. 


248        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Records   of    Kicking,  Creeping,  Walking,  Skip- 
pin*.,  Running,  Leaping,  and  Jumping  Plays 

1.  Sliding  Over  the  Floor.  In  the  playroom, 
knotted  ropes  suspended  from  the  ceiling  stimulate 
babies,  not  yet  able  to  walk,  to  propel  themselves  over 
the  floor.  They  hold  on  to  the  rope  and  slide  gaily 
baek  and  forth. 

2.  Creeping  and  Pushing  Plays.  -  ( Creeping  or 
hitching,  while  holding  on  to  chairs  which  are  pushed 
along  the  floor,  is  a  locomotive  play  which  all  babies 
enjoy  and  one  which  leads  to  creeping.  Babies  also 
creep  along  the  floor  while  pushing  toys  on  wheels.1 

3.  Pushing  and  Walking  Plays.  In  the  play- 
room, children  just  learning  to  walk  support  part  of 
their  weight  on  chairs,  go-carts,  or  wagons  and  thus 
practise  walking.  Grasping  the  ledge  of  the  sand  bin 
with  their  hands,  they  take  first  steps  along  it,  often 
pushing  the  weight  of  the  body  along  with  their  arm-. 

4.  Walking  in  Water.-  In  the  city  playgrounds 
tin-  children  derive  great  pleasure  in  wading,  running, 
and  leaping  about  in  the  shallow  water  of  the  wading- 
pools.  The  water  resists  their  efforts  slightly,  tlm- 
giving  them  a  sense  of  power  which,  coupled  with  the 
exhilaration  produced  by  contact  with  the  water, 
makes  wading  an  agreeable  pa-time. 

5.  Experimentation  on  the  Walking  Board  or  the 
Ledges  of  the  Sand-box.  Little  tots  straddle  the 
board,  walking  forward  and  backward,  sometimes 
racing. 

sliding  plays. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  249 

6.  Walking  on  Paths  or  Chalk  Lines.  —  Walking 
contests  take  place  on  the  chalk  lines  of  the  tennis 
court.  The  children  collect  blocks  or  stones  and 
arrange  them  in  straight  or  circular  paths,  sometimes 
in  concentric  circles.  They  walk  cautiously  on  these 
paths  of  blocks,  endeavoring  not  to  make  a  misstep. 
Some  children  invent  paths  showing  contrasts  of  long 
and  short  steps  on  which  they  play  leaping  and 
running  games. 

7.  Walking  Races.  —  Children  from  seven  to  nine 
years  of  age  enjoy  walking  and  running  contests  in 
which  they  race  for  goals,  carrying  empty  buckets  on 
their  heads  or  pushing  wheelbarrows.  They  also 
enjoy  potato  races,  three-legged  races,  and  flag  relay 
races. 

8.  Running  Games.  —  Children  from  two  and  a 
half  to  four  years  old  enjoy  such  simple  running  games 
as  Hill  Dill,  Tag,  and  Pussy  Wants  a  Corner.  Chil- 
dren of  kindergarten  age  enjoy  more  complex  running 
games,  examples  of  which  are  Ruth  and  Jacob,  Skip- 
ping or  Running  Tag,  Follow  the  Leader,  and  Going  to 
Jerusalem.  From  the  seventh  to  the  ninth  year  the 
running  games  are  especially  interesting  because  of 
problems  of  skill  which  they  present.  Japanese  Tag, 
Double  Tag,  Fox  and  Chickens,  Three  Deep,  and 
Chariot  Race  are  examples  of  games  involving  increas- 
ing problems  of  skill. 

9.  Jumping  Plays.  —  Babies  two  and  a  half  years 
old  enjoy  jumping  from  boxes  or  low  chairs.  Jumping 
soon  becomes  diversified  even  with  small  children. 
On  the  playground  the  steps  of  the  slide  become  the 
scene   for  various  jumping  contests.     There  are  the 


250        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

high  jump  forward,  the  long  jump  forward,  the  long 
jump  backward,  and  other  variations.  In  spon- 
taneous home  play  children  practice  jumping  over 
boxes,  fences,  puddles  of  water,  and  logs.  On  the 
playground  they  run  and  jump  over  piles  oi  blocks  or 
a  pole  held  at  various  heights.  They  practice  also 
jumping  on  one  foot  or  on  both  feet,  and  enjoy  the 
squatting  and  leaping  jump. 

10.  Leaping  and  Jumping  Games.  -  Leap  Frog 
and  Hop  Scotch  are  familiar  examples  ot  this  type  oi 
game. 

ii.  Climbing  Plays.  —  Climbing  upstairs  proved 
an  engaging  occupation  the  first  day  it  occurred  in  one 
child's  life,  as  the  following  record  shows:  "One  day 
R  climbed  up  two  stairs  and.  looking  slightly  fright- 
ened, stepped  slowly  down,  one  step  at  a  time. 
Nothing  daunted,  he  repeated  the  climbing,  reaching 
a  higher  place  on  the  stairs,  but  tumbling  down  with 
some  force.  However,  he  continued  to  climb  again 
and  again,  twent}  times  in  all,  until  by  dint  of  perse- 
verance he  reached  the  top  of  the  stairs.  By  this  time 
he  had  acquired  a  method  of  getting  down;  seated  on 
one  step  he  slid  down  to  the  next,  falling  with  a  slight 
jar  on  each  step."  "During  house  cleaning,  a  step- 
ladder  offered  the  boy,  then  two  and  a  half  years  old. 
an  opportunity  to  climb  and  look  down  on  his  sur- 
roundings. Joyously  he  repeated  his  journey  again 
and  again,  accompanying  each  trip  with  the  words, 
'  'Imb  up  the  ladder!'  "' 

When  the  writer  was  about  eight  years  old  she 
remembers    distinctly    paying    a    visit    to    a    logging 

1  From  the  author's  unpubli  ords. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  25 1 

community  where  it  was  her  delight  to  walk  and  run 
along  the  piles  of  logs,  jumping  from  log  to  log  and 
climbing  as  high  as  she  dared.  Boys  and  girls  in  the 
city  climb  high  fences  and  walk  along  them  with  great 
agility.  On  the  playgrounds,  children  climb  up  the 
ladders  of  the  slides,  pull  themselves  up  the  knotted 
climbing  rope,  and  if  allowed  in  the  older  girls' 
playground,  pull  themselves  up  on  the  traveling  rings, 
teeter  ladder,  parallel  bars,  and  other  pieces  of 
apparatus. 


School  of  Childhood,  University  of  Pittsburgh 

The  Parallel-Bar  Fence 


-'r>- 


SI'OXTAXEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 


An  Analysis   of   Selected  Games   oi    Skill    In- 
volving Kicking,  Running,  Skipping,  Leaping, 

and  jlmimnc  movkmknts 

The  following  games  represent  only  a  few  of  the  best 
known  games  of  skill.  They  are  presented  rather  for 
the  purpose  of  illustrative  analysis  than  as  a  list  to  be 
used.1 

1.  Iron  Gates.  —  Children  in  a  eirele  elasp  hands 
firmly  and  resist  the  efforts  of  one  in  the  center  who 
tries  to  break  through  their  "  Iron  Gates."  The  chief 
enjoyment  consists  of  efforts  at  resistance. 

2.  Cat  and  Mouse.  A  eirele  is  formed  and  the 
child  selected  to  be  the  mouse  stands  within  it. 
Another  player,  the  cat,  stands  outside.  The  object 
of  the  game  is  for  the  cat  to  catch  the  mouse.  The 
children  in  the  circle  assist  the  mouse  by  letting  her 
out  or  in  the  circle  at  any  time,  but  the  cat  is  hindered 
as  much  as  possible  by  the  children's  tightly  clasped 
hands.  The  game  can  be  made  a  more  difficult  game 
of  skill  by  selecting  two  slow  runners  for  cats  and  one 
swift  runner  for  the  mouse.  The  chief  interest  is  in 
making  movements  of  strategy  and  in  cooperation, 
force,  and  agility. 

3.  Jump  the  Shot.  A  rope  with  a  bag  of  shot 
attached  to  one  end  is  swung  under  the  feet  of  a  circle 
of  players  by  one  player  who  stand-  in  the  center  of 
the  circle,  the  players  jumping  as  it  approaches. 
Whenever  a  player  fails  to  jump  over  the  rapidly 
moving  rope,  he  is  dropped  out   of  the  circle.     The 

1  See  Zach  McGhee's  analysis  of  games:  "A  Study  in  the  Play 
Life  of  Some  South  Carolina  Children,"  Pedagogical  Seminary, 
Vol.  VII,  pp.  469-478. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  253 

center  player  can  vary  the  game  by  increasing  the 
speed  of  his  movements  and  by  raising  the  rope  higher 
and  higher  as  he  swings  it.  The  chief  interest  is  in 
agility  in  jumping,  in  surprise,  and  in  rivalry. 

4.  Rabbit's  Nest.  —  Groups  of  four  children  form 
rabbits'  nests  with  an  additional  child  as  a  rabbit  in 
the  center  of  each  nest.  Two  other  children  are 
selected,  one  to  be  an  extra  rabbit,  the  other  the 
farmer's  dog.  Whenever  the  extra  rabbit  invades  a 
nest  the  rabbit  there  is  forced  to  leave  and  find 
another  nest.  When  the  rabbit  is  caught  the  dog 
becomes  a  rabbit  and  the  rabbit  a  dog.  This  game  is 
very  popular  with  children  between  seven  and  nine 
years  of  age.  The  chief  interest  is  in  gaining  skill  in 
running  and  chasing,  in  suspense,  and  in  cooperation. 

5.  Skip  Tag.  —  One  child  skips  around  a  circle  and 
tags  another  child's  outstretched  hands;  the  child 
tagged  skips  after  the  first  child,  endeavoring  to  over- 
take and  tag  him  before  he  reaches  the  place  of  the 
one  tagged.  The  chief  interest  lies  in  the  activity  of 
skipping  and  the  added  enjoyment  of  being  chosen. 

6.  Dodge  Ball.  —  Half  of  the  players  form  a  large 
circle  and  the  other  half  stand  within  it.  The  players 
forming  the  circle  have  a  basket  ball  and  try  to  hit  the 
"Dodgers"  within.  When  one  is  hit  he  drops  out. 
When  the  last  one  is  hit  those  in  the  circle  take  the 
place  of  the  "Dodgers."  The  chief  interest  is  in 
gaining  skill  and  agility  in  throwing  and  dodging  and 
in  rivalry  and  competition. 

7.  Walking  to  Jerusalem.  —  Chairs  are  placed  in  a 
row  facing  alternately  right  and  left,  the  number  of 
chairs  being  one  less  than  the  number  of  children.     All 


254        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

the  children  march  around  until  the  music  stops;  then 
they  try  to  get  a  seat.  One  is  left  out  each  time,  and 
must  stop  playing,  and  remove  a  chair.  The  child 
who  succeeds  in  securing  the  last  seat  has  "walked  to 
Jerusalem."  This  game  is  greatly  enjoyed  because 
of  the  strategy  of  walking  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  a 
chair.  Suspense  and  surprise  also  give  point  and 
zest  to  the  game. 

8.  Goosie,  Goosie,  Gander. — The  geese  are  placed 
at  one  goal  and  a  fox  at  another.  After  the  rhyme 
is  repeated  the  geese  leave  their  base  for  the  other, 
endeavoring  not  to  be  caught.  Idle  first  one  caught 
becomes  the  fox.  The  chief  enjoyment  is  in  chasing 
and  running.  Enjoyment  in  rhythmic  repetition  of 
the  rhyme  is  noticeable,  as  is  the  development  of 
agility  through  rivalry. 

9.  Pig  in  the  Pen.  —  One  child  is  a  pig  in  a  pen 
made  by  the  other  children  joining  hands  around  him. 
The  pig  tries  to  escape  under  the  hands.  The  chief 
enjoyment  is  in  physical  strength,  agility  gained  in 
opposition,  and  cooperation. 

10.  Wheelbarrow  Race.-  The  racers  stand  in 
twos  at  the  starting  line.  One,  the  wheelbarrow,  puts 
his  hands  on  the  floor,  and  the  other  lifts  the  wheel- 
barrow's feet.  At  the  signal  "Co,"  the  nam-  race 
for  an  opposite  goal.  The  first  crossing  the  line  win-. 
The  chief  interest  is  in  competition  in  running; 
emulation,  pride  in  achievement,  and  cooperation  in 
pairs  are  also  important  elements. 

11.  Pussy  Wants  a  Corner. — Each  child  has  a  corner 
except  the  "kitty."  The  ones  occupying  corners  ex- 
change places.    Kitty  trie-  to  get  thecorner  temporarily 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  255 

unoccupied.      The   child   left   out   becomes    "kitty." 
The  chief  enjoyment  is  in  running,  rivalry,  and  surprise. 

12.  I  Spy. —  One  child,  a  "spyer,"  stands  at  a 
base  and  closes  his  eyes  while  the  others  run  and  hide. 
Then  the  spyer  tries  to  spy  the  other  children,  who 
try  to  return  and  touch  base  without  being  spied. 
The  chief  enjoyment  is  in  running  and  chasing,  in 
surprise,  and  in  being  "it." 

13.  Tag.  —  One  child  tags  another,  and  then  runs 
to  avoid  being  tagged  in  return.  The  chief  interest 
is  in  running  and  chasing,  in  agility,  and  in  rivalry. 

14.  Wrestling.  -  -  The  chief  enjoyment  lies  in  the 
consciousness  of  physical  strength  and  in  acquiring 
agility  through  opposition. 

15.  Drop  the  Handkerchief.  —  Players  stand  in  a 
circle.  One  runs  behind  the  others'  backs  and  sur- 
reptitiously drops  a  handkerchief  behind  a  child.  That 
child  picks  it  up  quickly  and  then  chases  to  his  place 
the  one  dropping  it,  endeavoring  by  strategy  to  get 
there  first.  The  chief  interest  is  in  running,  surprise, 
strategy,  and  favoritism. 

16.  Baseball.  —  Played  by  rule.  Chief  interest  in 
running,  unusual  activity,  dexterity,  rivalry,  and 
cooperation. 

17.  Hop  Scotch.  —  Played  on  a  court  marked  off  in 
rectangular  spaces.  A  block  or  chip  is  thrown  into  the 
spaces  in  regular  order  and  kicked  out  by  a  player  who 
hops  on  one  foot.  Chief  interest  is  in  hopping  in  this 
unusual  fashion,  in  dexterity,  and  in  rivalry. 

18.  Bull  in  the  Ring.  —  A  circle  is  formed  about  the 
bull  by  all  the  children  hand  in  hand.  The  bull 
stands  in  the  center  and  tries  to  break  through  the 


256        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED    PLAY 

ring.      If    he    is    successful,    all    give    chase,    the    one 

catching  him  becoming  the  next  bull.  Sometimes  the 
bull,  before  attempting  to  break  through,  asks  of 
each  pair  holding  hands,  "What  is  this?",  to  which 
various  answers  are  given,  as  "  iron,  "  "silver,"  "gold." 
( "hief  interest  is  in  physical  force,  running,  and  chasing. 

19.  Leap  Frog.  —  One  child  stoops  and  each  of  the 
others  in  turn  vaults  over  him.  The  first  one  vaulting 
stops  and  stoops;  the  third  does  the  same,  and  so  on 
until  a  row  is  formed.  The  first  who  stooped  starts 
the  game  all  over  again.  Chief  interest  is  in  leaping 
and  running. 

20.  Ruth  and  Jacob.  —Jacob  is  blindfolded  in 
the  middle  of  the  ring.  He  points  to  someone,  who 
becomes  Ruth.  "Where  are  you,  Ruth?"  says  Jacob. 
Ruth  answers,  and  guided  by  her  voice  he  chases  her 
until  she  is  caught  or  time  is  called.  When  caught 
and  recognized,  Ruth  becomes  Jacob.  Chief  enjoy- 
ment is  in  running  and  chasing,  in  repeating  the  words, 
in  agility,  and  in  chance. 

21.  Hill  Dill  or  Pom  Pom,  Pull  Away.  Children 
stand  against  a  wall  in  a  row  or  on  a  line  marked  on  the 
floor,  facing  another  wall  or  line.  One  player  stands  half 
way  between  the  two  lines  and  (-alls  out  "Hill  Dill,  come 
over  my  hill,"  and  the  players  try  to  run  across  to  the 
other  wall  or  line.  If  they  reach  it  without  being 
touched  they  are  safe,  but  all  who  are  tagged  remain 
in  the  icntcr,  and  as  the  captain  calls  out  "Hill  Dill" 
they  assist  in  catching  the  rest  of  the  players.  The  game 
continues  until  all  are  caught,  and  the  firsl  one  cap 

t  tired  is  the  one  to  remain  in  the  center  next  time.  Chief 
interest  is  in  running  and  chasing,  and  in  strategy. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Swinging, 
Sliding,  and  Other  Effortless  Movement  Plays 

Effortless  Motion  Accompanied  by  Pleasurable 
Effects  in  Swinging,  Skating,  Sliding,  and  Sailing.  — 
That  effortless  motion  is  accompanied  by  pleasurable 
results  seems  apparent  from  even  a  cursory  investiga- 
tion into  the  sports  of  mankind  and  the  play  activities 
of  childhood.  Peoples  of  many  races  enjoy  sailing, 
driving,  horseback  riding,  motorcycling,  automobiling, 
and  aviation,  all  of  which  involve  a  swift  gliding  or  jog- 
ging movement.  In  most  wheeled  vehicles,  also  in  boats 
and  in  airplanes,  the  forward  motion  in  a  lofty  seat 
doubtless  enhances  the  pleasure  in  each  new  and 
delightful  sensation  felt.  We  are  agreeably  sensitive 
also  to  changes  in  the  swiftness  of  the  motion,  acquir- 
ing such  a  passion  for  speeding  that  racing  boats, 
planes,  and  automobiles  have  become  a  commercial 
necessity.  While  horseback  riding  and  bicycling 
partake  of  the  nature  of  both  passive  and  active 
enjoyment  in  movement,  the  pleasure  experienced  is 
distinctly  of  the  passive  type.  In  bicycling  as  con- 
trasted with  walking,  we  find  little  or  no  hindrance  to 
swift  gliding  motion,  while  in  horseback  riding  the 
horse  overcomes  most  of  the  mechanical  resistance. 

In  sailing  and  in  driving  a  motor  boat  or  automo- 
bile, the  satisfaction  in  movement  is  doubtless  en- 
hanced by  a  sense  of  power  in  producing  the  effect. 

257 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  259 

Sliding  and  Swinging  the  Most  Common  Forms  of 
Passive  Movement  in  Childhood.  —  With  children  of 
civilized  races  as  with  the  peoples  of  savage  or  primi- 
tive ancestry,  swinging  and  sliding  are  the  most 
common  movement  plays.  The  infant  responds 
almost  at  birth  to  the  soothing  effects  of  rocking  in  his 
mother's  arms  or  in  the  cradle.  And  what  tiny  tot 
does  not  invent  some  kind  of  rocking-horse,  be  it  only 
father's  foot  or  the  arm  of  a  chair !  What  pleasure  he 
finds  a  few  years  later  in  swinging  on  the  limb  of  a  tree 
or  on  the  seat  of  a  swing!  There  is  in  swinging  an  ex- 
hilaration and  a  push  of  the  imagination  which  enlarges 
the  mental  as  well  as  the  physical  horizon.  One  writer 
goes  so  far  as  to  say.  "  I  suspect  that  there  is  a  specific 
stimulation  of  the  brain-cells  that  only  the  swing  can 
give,  and  that  the  child  who  has  not  had  this  emo- 
tional arousement  may  be  the  poorer  intellectually  all 
the  rest  of  his  life."1 

What  a  thrill  of  delight  accompanies  a  child's  first 
perilous  descent  down  the  cellar  door  or  the  banisters 
of  a  staircase!  In  sliding,  the  swift  downward  motion 
brings  a  thrill  of  joy  heightened  perhaps  by  a  sense  of 
the  hazardous  nature  of  the  descent. 

The  Use  and  Value  of  Swinging  Plays  in  Motor 
Education.  —  Skating  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
pleasurable  movement  plays  in  the  history  of  the  race. 
Ice  skating  and  roller  skating  are  common  pastimes 
of  children  in  civilized  communities,  both  urban  and 
rural.  They  appeal  to  both  active  and  passive 
enjoyment  of  movement.  Swings  are  expensive  to 
buy  and  difficult  to  install,  and  bring  some  hazards. 
1  Curtis,  H.:   The  Playground,  Vol.  VII,  p.  318. 


260        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Unless  they  arc  set  on  an  elevated  piece  of  land, 
children  arc  frequently  knocked  down  by  running  in 
front  of  others  who  are  swinging.  There  is  also  some 
danger  of  the  swing  frames  collapsing  unless  the  iron 
frames  are  carefully  set  in  cement  blocks.  However, 
the  benefits  to  be  derived  cannot  be  dismissed  lightly 
as  due  to  mild  emotional  stimulus.  The  child  needs 
exercise  other  than  in  the  erect  position.  At  three- 
years  his  limbs  are  very  short  as  compared  with  his 
stature,  being  about  38  per  cent  of  his  height,  while 
even  at  six  years  they  are  but  44  per  cent.  For  this 
reason  swinging  and  sliding  are  of  inestimable  value. 
Both  activities  exercise  the  legs  while  relieving  them 
of  the  entire  support  of  the  torso. 

Lawn  and  Hammock  Swings.  —  Babies  like  to  lie 
or  swing  gently  in  hammocks.  Many  playgrounds 
supply  hammock  swings  for  babies,  in  order  that  the 
"little  mothers"  may  play  with  older  children  near  by. 
For  children  from  two  to  six  years  of  age,  chair  swings 
suspended  by  ropes  or  chains  from  a  strong  wooden  or 
steel  frame  are  very  satisfactory.  Montessori  advo- 
cates a  wide-seated  chair  swing  which  may  be  set  in 
motion  by  pushing  with  the  feet  against  a  wall.  Chair 
swings  so  suspended  that  the  majority  of  children  can 
swing  in  them  by  barely  touching  their  feet  to  the 
ground  provide  for  more  vigorous  exercise  than  the 
wide-seated  swings. 

A  Single  Rope  Swing  and  Trapeze  Swing.  -  The 
orchard  swing  so  common  in  rural  communities  finds 
it-  city  counterpart  in  the  rope  swing  commonly 
suspended  from  trees  or  unused  doorways.  Children 
find  the  climbing  and  swinging  rope  almost  as  satis- 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  261 

factory  as  the  seat  swing.  A  low  trapeze  swing  can 
be  secured  from  an  athletic  supply  house  or  made 
from  an  old  broom  handle  and  a  strong  rope.  This 
piece  of  apparatus  can  well  be  combined  with  the 
swinging  rope,  since  many  games  can  be  played  by 
swinging  from  one  to  another. 

The  Giant  Stride.  —  The  writer  remembers  the 
great  delight  she  experienced  as  a  child  when  swinging 
on  a  revolving  clothes-rack  in  a  neighbor's  back  yard. 
This  device  consisted  of  a  large  wheel  which  revolved 
on  the  top  of  a  wooden  pole.  In  the  country  it  is  a 
common  practice  for  youthful  experimenters  to  mount 
a  wagon  wheel  on  a  pole  and  to  swing  from  knotted 
ropes  attached  to  the  spokes.  The  giant  stride,  as 
bought  in  an  athletic  supply  house,  consists  of  a  tall 
pole  about  fourteen  feet  high,  to  the  revolving  head  of 
which  are  attached  six  ropes  or  chains  forming  ladders. 
The  children  hold  on  to  the  different  rungs  of  the 
ladders  and  run  about  the  pole,  swinging  on  the  rope 
and  touching  their  feet  to  the  ground  every  five  or  six 
yards.  This  piece  of  apparatus  does  not  belong  on  a 
small  children's  playground.  For  children  to  play 
safely  upon  it  they  must  be  taught  to  jump  off  and 
dodge  quickly  out  of  reach  of  the  other  children 
swinging  rapidly  near  by. 

The  See-Saw.  --  The  see-saw  has  proved  to  be  a 
dangerous  piece  of  apparatus.  Children  have  a 
tendency  to  jump  off  when  down,  and  thus  throw 
their  partners  off  with  a  thump.  They  often  stand  in 
the  middle  and  work  the  see-saw,  falling  off  or 
occasioning  those  at  the  ends  to  fall  to  the  ground. 
If  see-saws  are  used  in  the  playground  they  should 


262        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

have  handles  and  should  not  be  more  than  two  and 
one-half  feet  high.  Other  sec-saws,  built  still  lower, 
will  be  found  useful  for  the  younger  children.  The 
use  of  see-saws  on  the  playground  demands  constant 
care  and  supervision.  The  rocking  boat  is  a  piece  of 
apparatus  which,  while  more  expensive  to  install  than 
see-saws,  is  similar  to  the  see-saw  in  the  motion 
produced  and  rather  more  valuable. 


Photographed  fur  the  Pittsburgh  Playground  Association 

A  Slide  for  Small  Children 


Teeter  Ladder.  Children  enjoy  swinging  on  a 
teeter  ladder,  a  piece  of  apparatus  which  may  be 
purchased  from  any  athletic  supply  house.  It  consists 
of  a  horizontal  ladder  balanced  in  the  middle  on  an 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  263 

iron  pole.  The  children  take  hold  of  the  ends  of  the 
ladder  with  their  hands  and  swing  as  on  the  see-saw. 
It  is  not  a  very  safe  piece  of  apparatus,  for  the  children 
tend  to  jump  off  at  unexpected  times  and  throw  their 
opponents  down.  It  is  not  usually  found  on  a 
children's  playground. 

The  Merry-Go-Round.  —  There  are  several  types  of 
merry-go-round.  One  consists  of  a  circular  platform 
on  which  children  sit  while  other  children  revolve  the 
platform,  running  along  beside  it,  then  jumping  on 
while  it  is  in  motion.  The  movement  produced  is 
capable  of  making  the  children  dizzy  and  seasick. 
Even  those  who  push  may  be  affected.  Another  type 
of  merry-go-round  is  built  with  wheels  and  runs 
around  an  iron  track.  The  children  operate  it  by  a 
lever  arrangement  and  derive  considerable  exercise 
in  so  doing. 

Sliding  Plays :  Their  Use  and  Value.  —  Sliding  is 
enjoyed  by  children  chiefly  because  of  the  pleasure  in 
swift,  gliding  motion,  unchecked  by  the  difficulties 
which  usually  accompany  movement.  A  baby  learn- 
ing to  creep  derives  enjoyment  from  sliding  over  a 
slippery  floor,  pushing  chairs  and  toys  about  with 
him.  "Before  R  was  two  years  old  he  begged  to  be 
lifted  upon  a  smooth,  inclined  board  from  which  he 
slid  down  to  the  floor  again  and  again.  About  the 
same  time  he  derived  much  pleasure  from  riding  on  a 
small  kiddie-car.  The  sliding  motion,  coupled  with 
the  pleasure  he  found  in  propelling  his  own  vehicle, 
easily  accounts  for  the  enjoyment  he  experienced. 
Being  fortunate  enough  to  possess  a  cellar  door  out-of- 


264        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

doors,  he  soon  learned  to  make  good  use  of  it."1 
Sliding  down  cellar  doors  is  no  longer  a  common 
pastime  with  city  children.  Yet  what  growing  boy  or 
girl  does  not  invent  some  kind  of  slide!  Usually  it  is 
a  smooth  board  inclined  against  a  fence.  The  play- 
ground in  its  early  days  recognized  sliding  as  a  play 
interest  and  has  never  ceased  to  improve  upon  the 
sliding  apparatus.  The  first  slides  were  planks  sup- 
ported in  an  inclined  position  by  upright  poles  with 
ladders  attached.  Pine  and  cedar  planks  were  soon 
found  unsatisfactory  and  maple  was  substituted. 
The  maple  slide  comes  in  three  sizes.  A  kindergarten 
slide  should  be  secured  for  the  use  of  small  children, 
while  the  ordinary  playground  slide,  fifteen  and 
one-half  feet  long  and  eight  feet  wide,  is  more  suitable 
for  children  over  kindergarten  age.  Where  space  is 
limited  a  slide  with  adjustable  incline  is  an  advantage. 
It  can  be  detached  from  the  steps  and  leaned  against 
the  wall.  An  important  feature  in  a  slide  for  little 
children  is  a  series  of  steps  broad  enough  to  prevent 
the  child's  falling  through,  and  a  slide  railing  to 
grasp  in  making  the  ascent.  Many  casual  observers 
note  the  long  line  of  children  who  take  turns  in  the  use 
of  the  slide  in  the  busy  hours  of  a  crowded  playground 
and  conclude  that  the  slide  is  a  mere  stimulus  for 
relaxation.  Others  see  the  value  of  climbing  for  the 
muscles  of  legs  and  arms,  note  the  apparent  relaxation 
from  strain  which  follows  the  sitting  position,  and 
draw  the  inference  that  such  play  is  valuable  from  the 
physical  standpoint  only.  It  is  well  to  remember  that 
to  make  the  arms  and  legs  move  effectively  in  early 
1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records 


MOVEMENTS  OF   BODILY   CONTROL  265 

childhood  is  a  problem  which  requires  all  the  thinking 
a  child  is  capable  of.  Sliding  plays  present  many 
obstacles  in  which  the  body  must  be  adjusted  to  the 
handicap  imposed,  and  in  this  adjustment  reason  and 
judgment  play  an  important  part. 

The  Sliding  Pole.  —  The  sliding  pole  is  used  in  most 
gymnasiums  to  pass  from  the  second  story  to  the  first. 
These  poles  are  placed  on  the  ends  of  a  gymnasium 
frame  and  are  steeper  and  shorter  than  the  gymnasium 
slide.  Boys  of  ten  or  over  take  great  pleasure  in 
sliding  down  these  poles.  The  sliding  poles  are  not 
included,  however,  in  the  playground  equipment  for 
children  under  ten. 

The  Kiddie-car.  —  Before  passing  on  to  sled-riding, 
tobogganing,  and  skiing,  it  seems  best  to  mention 
again  the  kiddie-car,  a  favorite  American  toy.  The 
writer  heartily  recommends  the  use  of  the  kiddie-car 
in  home  and  playground.  In  many  cities,  where  hills 
abound,  children  use  these  cars  for  coasting  downhill 
on  the  side-walk;  the  three-year-olds  guide  the  car 
by  an  occasional  touch  of  their  feet  to  the  ground; 
the  older  ones  steer  with  the  handle. 

Other  Wheeled  Vehicles.  —  The  toy  market  is 
overcrowded  with  wheeled  vehicles  which  can  be 
propelled  by  pushing,  wheeling,  rolling,  and  sliding, 
and  by  foot  movements.  Wagons,  velocipedes,  tri- 
cycles, bicycles,  and  toy  automobiles  and  airplanes 
on  wheels  are  the  delight  of  city  children.  They  are 
enjoyed  not  only  for  the  pleasure  in  rolling  and  sliding 
motion,  but  also  because  of  the  muscular  effort 
necessary  to  produce  motion. 


266        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Coasting  has  always  been  a  favorite  pastime  of  both 
city  and  country  children.  In  many  city  playgrounds 
there  are  put  up  each  winter  toboggan  slides  down 
which  children  slide  to  artificial  lakes  of  ice.  In 
Pittsburgh,  where  hills  abound,  children  of  many 
neighborhoods  do  not  have  to  come  to  the  playground 
in  winter  to  coast,  as  this  is  the  most  common  home 
and  neighborhood  sport. 

Skiing.  —  Skiing  is  a  common  sport  with  children 
in  the  northern  states  where  the  winter  brings  per- 
petual ice  and  snow.  Little  children  who  cannot 
purchase  skis  often  use  home-constructed  ones  and 
make  their  own  snowshoes. 

Spontaneous  Pleasure  in  Swinging  and  Sliding 
Toys.  —  Children  derive  a  certain  pleasure  in  swinging 
balls,  tin  cans,  or  other  objects  attached  to  strings. 
They  like  also  to  swing  dumb-bells  or  weights  and  to 
move  to  and  fro  the  various  members  of  the  body. 
Some  of  their  pleasure  experienced  in  such  plays  is 
derived  from  the  repetition  and  contrast  in  the 
movements,  also  from  the  sense  of  power  in  making 
things  happen.  Many  games  and  folk  dances  give 
expression  to  this  spontaneous  enjoyment  of  swinging 
rhythms.  "Looby-Loo"  is  an  example  of  a  game 
involving  simple  swinging  movements  of  the  feet, 
arms,  and  head,  while  "Hickory,  Dickory,  Dock" 
and  "How  Would  You  Like  to  Go  Up  in  a  Swing?" 
are  examples  of  the  use  of  the  more  complex  swinging 
rhythms  in  the  folk  dance.  Almost  equal  to  the 
interest  in  sliding  is  the  child's  interest  in  pushing  toys 
over  smooth  surfaces  and  sliding  them  down  inclined 
planes.     A  visit  to  the  toy  shop  reveals  many  games  in 


MOVEMENTS  OF   BODILY   CONTROL  267 

which  marbles  slide  down  a  loop-the-loop  arrange- 
ment, or  a  spiral  staircase,  and  many  other  types  in 
which  weighted  tumblers  perform  their  part  on  a  score 
board  or  slide  down  inclined  planes  and  score  below. 

Records  of  Swinging  and  Slidtng  Plays 

Swinging  Plays 

1.  Hammock  Swings.-  "Little  mothers"  stand 
in  line  on  the  playground  to  place  their  charges  in 
the  hammock  swings.  Older  children  play  "sail 
ship"  in  these  swings.  Sometimes  they  use  brooms 
for  oars  and  play  rowing. 

2.  Chair  Swings.  —  In  chair  swings  children  ex- 
periment with  various  forms  of  movement.  They 
swing  high,  low,  fast,  slowly.  They  twirl  around 
and  then  unwind,  or  attempt  to  swing  a  certain  num- 
ber of  times  without  touching  their  feet  to  the  ground. 

As  these  spontaneous  variations  occurred,  the  play  leader  often 
sang  appropriate  rhythms,  thus  guiding  the  spontaneous  rhythmic 
movement  by  a  proper  musical  accompaniment.  Children  some- 
times row  in  the  chair  swings,  using  the  little  brooms  for  oars,  and 
throw  out  a  line  to  catch  pretended  fish.  They  play  swimming  by 
lying  flat  on  the  seat,  moving  their  arms  or  legs  in  the  air. 

3.  Swinging  on  Single  Rope  Swings  With  Seats.  — 

The  children  swing  two  on  a  seat  in  standing  position, 
working  up  to  considerable  speed;  they  swing  various 
ways  in  sitting  position,  or  whirl  gently,  twisting  and 
untwisting  the  rope. 

4.  Lawn  Swings.  —  In  playgrounds  where  some 
strong  lawn  swings  have  been  installed  the  children 
play  train,  requiring  tickets  from  those  desiring  to  sit 


268        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

upon  the  seats,  calling  out  stops,  and  assisting  children 
down  the  platform  when  the  train  stops. 

5.  Climbing  Rope  and  Trapeze  Swings.  —  Chil- 
dren play  sailor  and  climb  up  and  down  the  rope. 
They  play  fire  sliding  down  the  rope  as  a  fire  escape. 
Sometimes  "lifesavers"  lower  themselves  from  the 
rope  to  the  floor  and  rescue  survivors  swimming  about 
in  the  sea. 

Most  plays  on  the  climbing  rope  and  trapeze  swing  are  mere  plays 
of  physical  activity.  The  children  try  to  excel  each  other  in  climb- 
ing and  swinging  high  and  fast,  or  in  swinging  from  the  trapeze 
swing  to  the  rope  and  back  again. 

6.  The  See-Saw.  -  -  The  children  experiment  in 
swinging  high  and  low,  fast  and  slow.  One  child 
sometimes  stands  in  the  middle  and  rocks  the  board 
rapidly  up  and  down.1  Many  dramatic  games  can 
be  played  on  the  see-saw.  Boat  games  are  fre- 
quently invented  because  the  rocking  movements 
of  the  see-saws  suggest  boats.  Trains  are  also  dram- 
atized, possibly  because  slow  or  fast  movement, 
getting  off  and  on,  and  other  features  connected  with 
trains  lend  themselves  readily  to  the  movements  of 
the  children  on  the  apparatus. 

7.  The  Merry-Go-Round.  —  On  this  apparatus, 
children  experiment  in  slow  and  fast  movements. 
Sitting  securely  upon  the  whirling  center-board  they 
play  they  are  riding  on  ocean  liners  or  are  driving 
swiftly  moving  horsrs. 

8.  Swinging  Balls  and  Other  Objects.  —  Children 
like  to  experiment  with  balls  attached  by  long  strings 
to  a  horizontal  pole.     They  like  to  bat  the  balls  back 

1  This  is  usually  prohibited  in  supervised  playgrounds. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  269 

and  forth  to  each  other  and  to  swing  them  to  and  fro. 
Regulating  the  speed  of  these  moving  balls  adds 
more  zest  to  the  experimentations.  This  involves 
considerable  practice  to  obtain  a  high  degree  of  skill. 
It. is  more  difficult  to  regulate  the  speed  when  move- 
ment is  almost  imperceptible  than  when  movement  is 
at  its  height.  Any  group  of  children  invent  a  variety 
of  plays,  such  as  batting  a  ball  to  a  partner  who  hits 
it  on  the  rebound,  dancing  balls  up  and  down,  hitting, 
running,  and  catching  balls,  twirling  and  untwirling 
them,  swinging  balls  to  represent  pendulums  or  other 
moving  objects,  and  putting  the  balls  through  various 
types  of  rhythm  in  response  to  the  stimulation  of 
instrumental  music. 

9.  Swinging  the  Body.  —  Children  like  to  swing 
the  body  to  represent  a  rocking-horse,  a  swing,  or 
wind-blown  objects  such  as  windmills,  trees,  flowers, 
or  grass. 

Sliding  Plays 

1.  The  Artificial  Slide.  —  Very  young  children 
sit  timidly  on  the  slide  and  clutch  the  side  railing 
tightly  while  they  slide  down.  They  soon  learn  to  do 
what  they  see  other  children  do,  even  to  sliding  down 
head  foremost. 

2.  Variations  of  Play  on  the  Slide.  —  Boys  and 
girls  from  five  to  nine  years  old  discovered  the  follow- 
ing ways  of  using  the  slide :  sliding  down  on  a  block  or 
board;  sliding  down  backwards;  sliding  down  on  one 
side  with  arms  outstretched  in  swimming  position; 
sliding  down  in  sitting  position  with  arms  folded  or 
stretched   overhead;   sliding   down   while    performing 


2JO        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

specified  acts  with  the  hands,  such  as  clapping  a 
fixed  number  of  times  or  throwing  objects  up  and 
catching  them;  starting  down  on  the  knees  and  when 
half  way  down  grasping  the  side  of  the  slide  and 
springing  to  the  sitting  position;  playing  "tag"  while 
sliding. 

3.  Dramatic  Plays  on  the  Slide.  —  Swimming. 
Train.  Birds  flying  down  the  slide.  Bridge:  in  this 
play  the  children  hold  their  hands  up  to  form  a  bridge 
under  which  all  children  must  slide. 

4.  Sliding  Toys.  —  In  the  playrooms  of  Pitts- 
burgh the  little  children  just  learning  to  walk,  push 
chairs  and  doll-cabs  about  on  the  oiled  floors.  Chil- 
dren of  creeping  age  push  blocks,  engines,  and  animals 
on  wheels  with  them  as  they  creep.  As  soon  as  some 
facility  in  walking  is  acquired,  children  like  to  pull 
after  them  toys  on  wheels,  such  as  wagons,  elephants, 
bears,  dogs,  and  rabbits.  The  smooth  gliding  motion 
of  the  wheeled  vehicles  adds  to  the  pleasure  felt  in 
controlling  the  movements  of  something  outside  of 
self.  Children  often  incline  a  board  against  a  table  or 
box,  and  slide  blocks  or  toys  on  wheels  down  the  in- 
clined plane.  They  invent  various  games  with  weight- 
ed toys  called  tumblers,  counting  a  certain  number  ol 
points  when  the  tumblers  complete  a  successful 
journey  to  the  end  of  the  board  or  to  rings  marked  on 
the  ground. 

5.  Skating.  —  Spontaneous  sliding  or  skating  on 
icy  streets  is  a  common  example  of  the  prevalence  of 
sliding  play  both  in  childhood  and  in  adult  lite. 
Children  sometimes  bind  on  their  feel  boards  slightly 
larger  than  their  shoes,  and  slide  or  walk  over  the  ice 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  27 1 

on  these  improvised  snowshoes.  Roller  skating  is  a 
common  pastime  with  city  children.  In  certain 
sections  of  our  large  cities  one  may  walk  along  streets 
thronged  with  happy  skaters.  Some  crowded  streets 
at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  present  the  appearance 
of  a  skating  rink. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Dancing 
and  Swimming 

Both  swimming  and  dancing  may  be  classed  as 
active  movement  plays  involving  the  acquisition  of 
skill  in  their  performance.  To  find  the  sources  of 
pleasure  in  dancing  and  in  swimming,  we  must  first 
recall  the  fact  that  the  human  organism  when  re- 
freshed finds  pleasure  in  movement.  This  fact,  how- 
ever, does  not  account  for  the  peculiar  satisfaction 
found  in  swimming  or  the  fascination  and  charm  the 
dance  affords.  In  swimming,  the  tonic  effect  of  the 
water  upon  the  skin  and  its  resistance  as  a  medium 
for  locomotion,  together  with  enjoyment  of  the 
rhythmic  movements  necessary  to  support  the  body, 
combine  to  place  this  sport  in  the  foremost  rank 
of  movement  plays.  Dancing  gives  us  a  highly 
intensified  form  of  locomotion  in  which  the  body 
is  put  into  varied  positions  suggested  by  the  rhythm. 
We  see  in  dancing  almost  a  complete  relaxation  from 
tension  and  a  state  of  physical  exhilaration  in  which 
there  is  sometimes  noticeable  complete  unconsciousness 
of  fatigue  together  with  a  sense  that  the  body  is  of 
feathery  lightness.  In  swimming,  there  is  a  relaxa- 
tion of  some  muscle  groups  with  a  corresponding 
tension  in  others. 

An  Analysis  of  Adult  Dancing.  —  Proceeding  first 
to  a  description  of  the  dance,  we  shall  then  confine 

272 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  273 

ourselves  to  a  brief  mention  of  such  swimming  activi- 
ties as  are  noticeable  among  children  under  ten  years 
of  age,  leaving  other  and  more  spontaneous  move- 
ment plays  in  water  to  be  treated  in  another  chapter. 
To  the  analysis  of  adult  dancing  presented  by  Groos, 
the  writer  has  little  to  add.  Presenting  Spencer's 
view  that  rhythm  is  a  most  suitable  instrument  for 
the  expression  of  passionate  emotion,  sad  or  joyous, 
Groos  reinforces  Grosse's  criticism  that  Spencer's 
theory  makes  the  rhythm  of  dancing  only  a  strongly 
intensified  form  of  locomotion,  and  points  out  that  it 
does  not  in  the  least  explain  the  pleasurable  and 
intoxicating  quality  of  rhythmic  motion.  As  Groos 
says,  rhythmic  movements  are  employed  among  most 
people  either  as  a  means  of  producing  ecstatic  con- 
ditions as  seen  in  the  initiatory  rites  among  savages, 
or  as  a  means  of  inciting  religious  ecstasy  as  practiced 
by  the  religious  sects  who  roll  or  dance  until  a  condi- 
tion of  intoxication  results.  He  does  not  overlook  the 
use  of  rhythmic  movements  in  connection  with 
fighting  or  love  plays,  or  their  social  use  in  modern 
gymnastic  and  social  dancing.  His  conclusions  point 
out  that  it  is  safer  to  regard  dancing  as  an  exciting 
movement-play,  which  possesses  in  common  with 
other  narcotics  the  magic  power  of  abstracting  us 
from  commonplace  existence  and  transporting  us  to  a 
self-created  world  of  dreams.1  In  speaking  of  the 
origin  of  the  dance  among  primitive  people,  St. 
Johnson  says:  "One  can  almost  imagine  the  Earliest 
Man  waking  one  morning  and  finding  the  sun 
shining,  the  air  bright  and  cheerful,  the  birds  singing, 
1  K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  pp.  88-91. 


J 74        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

and  every  thing  good  to  see.  And  then,  through  very  joy 
of  life,  he  started  dancing,  and  laughing  at  the  plea- 
sure of  this  new  sensation,  he  would  start  singing  and 
clapping  his  hands  to  keep  time,  and  thus  there,  out  in 
the  gray  wilderness  of  Ancient  Earth,  were  the  two 
great  arts  of  Dancing  and  Music  first  brought  to  life."  ' 

St.  Johnson's  theory,  however,  fails  to  account  for  the 
spontaneous  rocking  rhythms  which  accompany  grief 
among  many  peoples.  The  Irish  "wake"  and  the  rites 
and  rituals  accompanying  the  burial  of  the  dead  among 
savage  tribes  reveal  the  fact  that  all  passionate  emotion 
tends  to  express  itself  in  rhythmic  form. 

What  is  Rhythm?  -  The  fundamental  fact  about 
rhythm  is  periodicity  or  a  regular  succession  of  like 
events.  When  any  series  of  sounds,  noises,  or  move- 
ments is  broken  up  into  groups,  we  have  units  appear- 
ing in  serial  form.  It  is  the  feeling  for  the  group  as  a 
whole  which  sets  rhythm  off  as  distinct  from  other 
impressions. 

The  Origin  of  Rhythm  is  Physical.  —  When  we  have 
a  rhythmic  movement  we  have  a  rhythmic  nerve  cur- 
rent. The  perception  of  rhythm  comes  from  the  pres- 
ence in  consciousness  of  a  wave  of  kinesthetic  sensa- 
tions, due  either  to  movement  or  tensions  of  the  muscles. 
There  seems  to  be  a  biological  ground  for  pleasure  in 
rhythm.  The  great  pleasure  which  children  find  in 
rhythm  is  due  to  the  power  rhythmic  experiences  have 
to  set  up  vibrations  within  the  body  and  stimulate  the 
harmonious  activities  of  the  bodily  organs. 

The  Psychological  Basis  of  Rhythm.  -  The  ten- 
dency to  make  rhythmic  movements  is  instinctive  with 

1  Reginald  St.  Johnson:  The  History  of  Dancing,  pp.  io-ii. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  275 

children.  Their  joys  and  sorrows  become  externalized 
in  rhythmic  gestures  involving  movements  of  the 
trunk,  arms,  and  legs.  Sigismund  gives  an  admirable 
description  of  the  rhythmic  movements  of  a  twenty- 
week  old  infant.  "If  the  nurse  holds  up  a  child  of 
this  age  on  her  lap,  supporting  it  under  the  arm,  it 
will  dance,  hop,  and  spring  perpetually  like  a  hooked 
fish,  bound  like  a  grasshopper,  draw  up  his  legs  like  a 
closed  pocket-knife,  and  twist  his  head  and  neck  —  in 
short,  he  will  exhibit  the  same  mercurial  exuberance  of 
motion  which  pleases  us  in  young  goats,  lambs,  and 
kittens."  1 

Sigismund's  illustration  emphasizes  the  spontaneous 
character  of  early  rhythmic  expression.  Native  ap- 
preciation of  rhythm  and  application  of  the  laws  of 
rhythmic  progression  have  a  basis  in  the  nervous  and 
muscular  system.  Any  movement  once  started  tends 
to  recur  and  to  keep  recurring.  One  author  explains 
this  as  follows:  "This  tendency  to  recur  follows  from 
the  fact  that  the  perceptions-reflex  of  the  movement 
itself  acts  as  a  stimulus,  similar  in  character  to  the 
original,  toward  the  repetition  of  the  movement. 
There  is,  therefore,  a  tendency  for  a  regularly  recur- 
ring series  of  similar  movements  to  take  place,  each 
stimulated  by  the  perception-reflex  of  that  which 
precedes  it.  That  this  series  does  not  go  on  indefi- 
nitely as  the  result  of  one  single  stimulus,  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  in  the  highly  complex  human  nervous 
organism  fresh  external  stimuli  are  constantly  occur- 
ring which  interfere  with  and  prevent  its  development.2 

1  Sigismund  as  quoted  by  Karl  Groos  in  The  Play  of  Man,  p.  80. 

2  J.  B.  McEwen:  The  Thought  in  Music,  pp.  9-10. 


276        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

The  Range  of  Children's  Dancing.  -  -  The  walking, 
running,  skipping,  jumping,  leaping,  and  hopping 
movements  of  children  tend  to  become  rhythmical  as 
soon  as  they  become  automatic  and  habitual.  Chil- 
dren's spontaneous  dancing  includes  more  than  this 
rhythmic  repetition  of  movements.  It  is  the  result  of 
a  mood  or  idea  and  as  such  runs  the  whole  gamut  of 
rhythmic  expression,  including  intonations,  gestures, 
attitudes,  postures,  and  even  song.  A  close  observer 
of  the  spontaneous  dance  of  emotional  children  who 
are  especially  susceptible  to  music  reveals  the  rare 
transports  of  joy  they  experience  when  responding 
through  the  dance  to  the  moods  and  ideas  revealed  in 
good  music.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  ecstasies  of 
motion  transport  them  into  another  world,  where  they 
are  content  to  submerge  themselves  in  ordered  and 
repetitive  motion.  Even  the  normal  child  feels  at 
times  the  poetry  of  motion.  With  the  average  child, 
double  and  quadruple  time  are  easier  to  interpret 
than  triple  time.  Some  children  arrive  at  rhythmic 
perception  very  slowly,  learning  first  through  imita- 
tion and  suggestion  what  other  children  express 
spontaneously.  Interest  in  rhythmic  expression,  as 
has  been  shown,  begins  as  early  as  the  first  year  and 
declines  in  the  teens.  A  study  of  games  seems  to 
indicate  that  girls  enjoy  rhythmic  movements  more 
than  boys. 

Training  in  Rhythmic  Activities.  --  Many  theories 
and  systems  have  been  devised  to  bring  about  appre- 
ciation and  technique  of  rhythmic  expression.  Two 
basic  methods  stand  out  as  extreme  views  in  teaching. 
Both  recognize  that  rhythm  is  perceptible  by  both  the 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  277 

aural  and  the  muscular  systems.  There  are  those 
who,  noticing  the  ease  with  which  three  and  four- 
year-old  children  respond  to  music  through  bodily 
representation  of  musical  values,  work  for  sensibility  to 
music,  and  let  the  children's  senses,  limbs,  and  mind 
be  stimulated  to  externalize  the  values  expressed  in 
the  music.  Others,  while  relying  upon  music  to 
supply  emotions  and  thoughts,  seek  first  to  find  points 
of  identity  between  the  music  and  the  lives  and 
actions  of  the  children.  The  last  mentioned  aims  to 
catch  individual  and  characteristic  modes  of  expres- 
sion and  to  improvise  music  which  truly  follows  and 
embodies  that  individual  or  characteristic  note. 
Jaques-Dalcroze  combines  both  methods  *  He  claims 
that  rhythmic  movement  can  best  be  acquired  by  a 
system  of  physical  exercises — a  highly  flexible  system 
adapted  to  a  large  variety  of  temperaments.  He 
works  for  spontaneous  representation  of  individual 
moods  and  mental  attitudes  and  also  for  gymnastic 
exercise  through  exposure  to  the  thought  in  music. 
Devotees  of  both  methods  depend  upon  the  experi-' 
mental  method  for  improvement  and  skill,  for  recent 
studies  concerning  the  acquisition  of  muscular  skill 
point  out  that  progress  comes  through  this  method  of 
trial  and  success.  Children  must  perform  a  muscular 
act  in  order  to  have  a  means  of  understanding  sug- 
gestions concerning  it.  But  when  an  improvement 
has  been  hit  upon  it  should  be  made  conscious  and 
permanent  by  a  teacher  who  calls  attention  to  it  as 
good. 

1  E.  Jaques-Dalcroze:  Rhythms,  Music,  and  -Education. 


278        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Swimming.  -  Very  young  children  can  keep  afloat 
in  the  water.  A  child  of  three  or  four  years  when 
placed  in  deep  water  usually  attempts  some  sort  of 
beating  movement  with  his  hands  and  feet.  While 
many  children  learn  to  swim  as  early  as  the  fourth 
year,  the  period  from  nine  to  twelve  is  naturally  the 
lime  when  the  greatest  interest  in  swimming  prevails. 
Studies  of  play  activities  of  children  in  various 
localities  all  unite  in  assigning  to  this  period  the  plays 
and  games  affording  the  most  vigorous  activity  for  the 
whole  body. 

Authorities  agree  that  swimming  has  both  physio- 
logical and  aesthetic  value.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
beneficial  means  of  preserving  the  health.  The  muscles 
used  are  of  the  dominantly  fundamental  type;  and 
the  effect  of  the  special  swimming  coordinations  upon 
circulation,  digestion,  and  the  nervous  system  is 
exceedingly  beneficial.  Swimming  is  an  aesthetic 
asset  in  that  it  excels  all  other  forms  of  exercise'  in 
variety  and  grace  of  movement.  It  is  a  physiological 
asset  in  that  it  enables  the  individual  to  build  up 
resistance  to  disease  and  offsets  the  strain  city  life 
and  sedentary  occupations  bring  upon  the  accessory 
movements  and  nerves. 

The  ability  to  swim  is  provided  for  in  the  common 
school  education  of  England.  Public  swimming  baths 
exist  in  all  the  large  cities,  and  the  children  of  the 
upper  grades,  accompanied  by  their  regular  teachers, 
go  to  these  baths  in  the  spring  and  fall.  It  is  a  recog- 
nized fact  that  the  swimming  pool  ought  to  be  part  of 
the  equipment  of  every  elementary  school.  No  equal 
amount  of  space  devoted  to  play  equipment  can  per- 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  279 

form  half  the  service  that  the  swimming  pool  renders. 
In  the  United  States  the  public  swimming  pools  have 
in  most  cases  been  connected  with  the  city  play- 
grounds. To  these  public  playgrounds,  swimming 
pools,  and  baths  thousands  of  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren flock  in  the  warm  summer  days;  and  all  through 
the  spring  and  fall  the  pools  are  in  constant  use. 

Records  of  an  Infant's  Spontaneous  Dance 
Movements 

gyi  Months.  —  R  was  fretting  to-night  from  teeth- 
ing, when  I  placed  him  in  his  high  chair  near  the  piano 
and  played  to  him.  His  posture  and  facial  expression 
instantly  changed.  His  face  brightened  and  his  whole 
body  bobbed  up  and  down  rhythmically,  while  at  the 
same  time  his  feet  hit  the  footrest  at  regular  rhythmic 
intervals. 

11  Months.  —  Rocking  the  chairs  is  a  favorite 
pastime  with  R.  That  the  muscular  exertion  oc- 
casions part  of  the  enjoyment  is  shown  from  the  fact 
that  he  rocks  the  heavy  chairs  most  frequently. 
That  the  repetition  and  contrast  in  the  movement  is 
also  a  part  of  his  pleasure  is  evidenced  by  the  fact 
that  he  follows  with  his  eyes  the  motion  of  the  chairs. 
R  pounds  a  good  deal  in  repetitive  fashion,  some- 
times on  the  floor  with  his  hands,  at  other  times  with 
his  toys. 

1  j  Months.  —  When  carried  along  the  floor  in  erect 
position  so  that  his  feet  barely  touched  the  floor,  R 
moved  his  feet  rapidly  and  rhythmically  as  if  walking. 

16  Months.  —  R  walked  sideways,  rapidly,  around 
the    dining-room    table    and    occasionally    stamped. 


28()        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

When   holding  on  to  the  table  he  sometimes    stood 
still  and  stamped  rhythmically  several  times. 

ig  Months.-  I  suspended  a  red  hall  from  a  string. 
R  hit  it  vigorously,  watched  it  swing,  then  repeated 
the  act. 

22  Months.  -  R  was  visiting  his  grandmother's 
house,  where  music  from  a  vocalian  was  played  several 
times.  Almost  at  once  la-  began  to  boh  tip  and  down 
rhythmically  and  with  heavy  movements  of  the  legs 
to  dance  about  the  room,  his  arms  beating  time  in  the 
air.  lie  repeated  these  movements  frequently  when- 
ever dance  music  was  played  on  the  vocalian. 

23  Months.-  I  pointed  out  some  birds;  R  gave  a 
shout  of  delight  as  he  leaped  slightly  upwards  and 
forwards  several  times  with  arms  outstretched. 

In  this  elemental  dance  we  see  rhythmic  expression  in  the  form 
of  pantomime.  To  appreciate  the  meaning  of  the  dance  it  is 
necessary  to  understand  the  part  that  gesture  plays  in  the  evolution 
of  the  race.  The  appearance  of  birds  sets  up  rhythmic  nerve  currents 
within  the  body  and  rhythmic  movements  appi 

26  Months.  —  One  cold  day  R  was  running  about  on 
the  fronl  porch.  Accidentally  his  steps  took  on  a  for- 
ward galloping  movement.  From  that  time  on  he  gal- 
loped aboutagood  deal  as  he  moved  from  place  to  place. 

"  Play  again  "  i>  the  in\  ariable  request  after  dancing 
about  in  simple  game-,  such  a-  "  1  [ere  we  go  'round  the 
sun."  In  the  boom,  boom,  boom  which  follows  the 
dance,  R  jumps  up  and  down  vigorously,  with  keen 
enjoyment.  When  R  was  walking  around  in  a  ring 
with  me  I  quickened  the  pace  and  he  danced  the 
gallop  very  rhythmically.1 

1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  28 1 

Records  of  Spontaneous  Dance  Movements 
Observed  in  Children's  Playgrounds 

1.  A  group  of  children  from  two  and  a  half  to  six 
years  of  age  were  seated  on  the  floor  ready  to  play 
ball  when  one  child  started  to  beat  time  on  the  floor 
with  her  hands.  Instantly  every  child  followed  her 
example.  The  play  leader  improvised  simple  running 
chords;  she  played  these  first  slowly,  then  rapidly, 
changing  from  loud  to  soft.  Some  of  the  children 
showed  instantly  a  spontaneous  appreciation  of  the 
contrasts  in  the  music;  others  perceived  the  contrasts 
largely  through  imitation  of  others'  movements. 

2.  One  day  a  canary  in  a  cage  was  brought  into  a 
playroom.  Nearly  all  the  children  danced  up  and 
down  in  repetitive  fashion,  some  exclaiming  "Ah!" 
and  clapping  their  hands. 

Here  again  we  see  pleasure  in  serial  form  of  motion. 

3.  A  bundle  containing  several  dolls  was  un- 
wrapped before  a  group  of  two-  and  three-year-old 
children.  When  the  first  baby  doll  was  held  up,  the 
children  reached  up  their  arms  toward  it  and  bobbed  up 
and  down  in  great  glee,  calling  eagerly,  "  Ale,  me,  me!" 

4.  At  Christmas  time  a  group  of  children  were 
taken  into  an  adjoining  room  where  stood  a  brilliantly 
lighted  Christmas  tree.  Some  gazed  quietly  at  the 
spectacle,  but  the  majority  jumped  up  and  down, 
merrily  exclaiming,  "Ah!"  or  "Oh!" 

5.  On  an  outdoor  excursion  a  boy  of  four  dis- 
covered a  tiny  bud  on  a  bush.  He  jumped  up  and 
down  and  called  to  the  other  children  saying,  "See! 
see!"  Another  group  of  children  from  a  slum  district 
found   some   tiny   blades   of  grass,    patted   the  grass 


282        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

gently,  thru  jumped  up  and  down  calling  to  the  other 
children  to  come  and  see. 

6.  In  dramatizing  the  story  of  the  "Pied  Piper  of 
Hamclin,"  the  children  walked  quickly  and  excitedly 
when  the  rats  disappeared,  and  slowly,  almost 
solemnly,  when  the  Piper  piped  the  children  away 
from  their  homes. 

7.  In  playing  Cinderella,  the  good  fairy  walked  in 
with  a  slow,  dignified  tread;  the  evil  fairy  limped  in, 
and  stamped. 

8.  The  children  were  sliding  on  an  oiled  floor,  and, 
quite  naturally,  threw  out  their  arms  every  few  steps 
to  regain  balance;  the  play  leader  then  accompanied 
this  spontaneous  play  with  a  slide-slide-slide-stop 
rhythm.  Later  the  children  varied  this  rhythm  to 
run-run-run-leap  and  leap-run-run. 

9.  One  day  the  play  leader  allowed  the  playground 
rabbit  to  run  about  among  the  children.  They  chased 
it  around  gleefully  for  a  minute,  then  set  themselves 
to  the  task  of  cleaning  the  cage.  Soon  the  rabbit, 
left  alone,  began  to  leap  about  on  her  hind  feet. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  children  had  acquired  the 
bunny  leap,  which  they  accomplished  by  shifting  the 
weight  of  the  body  from  their  feet  to  their  hands,  while 
leaping  about  on  all  lours.  After  this  occurrence  they 
asked  almosl  every  day  to  play  bunny,  and,  when 
music  was  supplied,  the  play  took  on  rhythmic  form. 

10.  A  little  bird  hopped  upon  the  window  sill; 
immediately  the  children  in  the  playground  began  to 
hop  like  birds.  A  few  days  later  a  number  of  rhythms 
had  developed  from  this  activity,  such  rhythms  as 
run,  run,  run,  hop,  hop,  and  vice  versa. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Throwing, 
Rolling,  and  Spinning  Plays 

Striking  and  Throwing  are  Originally  Satisfying.  — 
The  prevalence  of  throwing  plays  among  peoples  of  all 
nations  seems  to  indicate  to  many  authorities  that 
throwing  is  at  bottom  instinctive.  Archer  thinks  that 
throwing  stones  and  hitting  with  a  club  are  responses 
apart  from  training.1  With  many  primitive  peoples 
throwing  was  a  means  of  killing  adversaries  and  bring- 
ing down  game;  in  fact,  like  climbing,  it  was  an  im- 
portant way  of  acquiring  supremacy  over  wild  animals 
and  inferior  races.  The  fact  that  the  throwing  pro- 
pensity persists  in  full  force  in  an  environment  which 
ordinarily  imposes  pain  and  punishment  on  many  of 
its  manifestations,  seems  to  indicate  that  it  is  more 
than  a  mere  matter  of  imitation;  in  fact,  makes  it 
seem  probable  that  both  striking  and  throwing  are 
originally  satisfying.  This  satisfaction  does  not  nec- 
essarily arise  from  the  fact  that  both  are  racially  old 
activities,  as  Archer  would  have  us  believe,  and  hence 
deeply  rooted  in  the  brain  centers,  nerves,  and 
muscles  concerned  with  these  movements;  but  from 
the  fact  that  they  have  a  function  in  maturing  the 
muscular  system. 

1 R.  A.  Archer:  "Spontaneous  Constructions  and  Primitive 
Activities  of  Children  Analogous  to  Those  of  Primitive  Man," 
American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  144-49. 

283 


284        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Archer  believes  that  throwing  develops  from  strik- 
ing; that  when  an  object  slips  accidentally  from  the 
child's  hand  it  reveals  the  possibility  of  extending 
control  over  the  object  by  throwing  it.  Naturally, 
downward  throwing  occurs  hrst,  and  forward  throwing 
develops  soon  afterward,  while  upward  throwing 
seems  rather  difficult  to  acquire  because  children 
find  difficulty  in  coordinating  their  catching  move- 
ments with  the  course  of  the  descending  ball. 

Progressive  Development  of  Throwing  and  Strik- 
ing Movements.  As  early  as  the  sixth  month,  the 
child  shows  a  tendency  to  pound  with  his  spoon  or 
rattle.  At  about  the  same  time  he  begins  to  drop  his 
toys.  One  child  whom  the  writer  observed  accident- 
ally loosened  his  grasp  upon  a  rubber  doll  and  seemed 
surprised  that  it  had  passed  from  his  grasp;  then,  his 
eyes  falling  upon  the  doll,  an  association  was  formed 
whereby  he  connected  the  act  of  dropping  with  a  new 
position  of  the  doll  which  had  escaped  from  his  grasp. 
At  eight  months  this  same  child  had  developed  a 
passion  for  dropping  toys  out  of  his  crib.  When  the 
object  dropped  or  thrown  caught  accidentally  on  the 
edge  of  the  crib,  he  would  reach  over  and  attempt  to 
push  it  down.  If  he  succeeded,  he  would  cry  out  with 
delight;  if  the  effort  failed,  he  would  utter  a  begging 
cry  for  assistance.  At  nineteen  months,  dropping 
pebbles  down  a  steep  embankment  was  a  favorite 
pastime.  He  would  shout  "gone"  or  "bang"  as 
soon  as  he  stone  left  his  hands.  Picking  the  stones 
up  afterward  and  throwing  them  into  a  pail  was  decid- 
edly less  pleasurable.  This  was  probably  due  to  the 
fact  that  picking  up  the  stones  afterward  was  play- 


MOVEMENTS   OF    BODILY   CONTROL  285 

fully  insisted  upon  by  his  mother,  hence  was  not  a 
self-initiated  activity.  At  another  time,  gathering 
stones  in  a  pail  became  a  pleasant  pastime.  With  this 
same  child  striking  by  means  of  a  stick  was  first  noticed 
on  the  occasion  of  daily  walks.  Previous  to  this 
time,  however,  he  had  knocked  balls  about  the  floor 
with  a  broom,  or  rolled  them  upon  the  table  by  hitting 
them  with  an  egg-beater.  On  one  of  these  walks  he 
found  a  stick  and  dragged  it  along  the  ground,  or 
struck  it  occasionally  against  a  stone  wall  he  was 
passing.  From  that  time  on  striking  at  fences,  grass, 
and  other  objects  was  indulged  in  freely  during  the 
daily  walks.  He  would  cry  out  if  deprived  of  the 
stick  and  would  show  great  satisfaction  at  the  skill  he 
acquired  in  striking  grass  and  weeds  a  sharp  blow. 
With  this  child,  playfully  striking  a  pet  dog  was  a 
tendency  hard  to  eradicate,  while  hitting  his  play- 
mates proved  so  satisfying  that  even  pain  and  punish- 
ment failed  to  eradicate  the  tendency  entirely.  The 
following  illustration  seems  to  indicate  the  playful 
nature  of  this  striking  propensity.  One  day  in  his 
play  the  child,  entirely  without  provocation,  gave 
his  playmate  a  light  blow  on  the  hand,  laughing  as  he 
did  so.  The  little  girl  instinctively  drew  back  and 
cried  out,  running  behind  a  chair.  Quickly  the  cul- 
prit sensed  a  chase;  striking  both  arms  in  the  air  as 
he  ran,  he  chased  her  merrily  around  the  porch  from 
place  to  place. 

Anyone  who  has  played  with  little  children  has 
seen  numerous  instances  of  their  keen  enjoyment  of 
spontaneous  throwing.  As  Sigismund  says,  "All 
children  like  "to  throw  and  are  often  blamed  for  it 


286        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

very  unjustly.  We  should  rejoice,  then,  with 

the  children  when  a  stone  goes  a  long  way  or  bounds 
into  the  water  with  a  splash.  When  children  get 
out-of-doors  the  desire  to  throw  something  takes  pos- 
session of  them;  even  the  yearling  picks  up  pebbles 
and  delights  to  roll  them.  The  older  boys  stand  on 
the  coping  or  carriage  block,  and  are  engrossed  in 
testing  the  force  and  directness  of  their  aim.  They 
are  trying  the  power  of  will  over  matter."1 

That  boys  are  often  blamed  unjustly  for  throwing 
seems  to  be  borne  out  by  the  following:  A  group  of 
boys  in  a  summer  recreation  school  stood  waiting  for 
the  doors  to  open,  amusing  thmselves  in  the  meantime 
by  throwing  each  others'  caps  over  the  high  picket 
fence  surrounding  the  school.  As  soon  as  the  doors 
were  opened  the  boys  assumed  an  eager,  expectant 
attitude  and  went  directly  to  the  bowling  alley.  No 
further  transgressions  were  seen  that  day. 

Facts  about  the  Striking  Propensity.  -  In  writing 
of  the  striking  propensity,  Archer  presents  some 
interesting  facts:  "Many  of  the  boys  and  girls  say 
they  carry  a  stick  because  they  feel  safer  when  walking 
along  the  street  or  road.  A  stick  may  be  used  to 
strike  at  weeds,  animals,  or  even  people.  It  is  also 
dragged  along  a  picket  fence  so  as  to  make  a  rhythmic 
noise.  In  riding  in  a  vehicle,  one  great  pleasure  is  to 
use  the  whip  on  the  horses.  Boys  and  even  girls 
engage  in  whipping  contests,  in  which  two  of  them 
with  whip  in  hand  beat  each  other  until  one  or  the 
other  gives  up.  Driving  stock  also  gives  great 
pleasure  because  the  whip  can  be  freely  used.     Much 

1  Quoted  by  K.  Groos,  The  Play  of  Man,  p.  104. 


MOVEMENTS  OF   BODILY   CONTROL  287 

damage  is  sometimes  done  in  striking  flowers,  small 
trees,  and  other  plants  of  value.  There  seems  to  be 
an  almost  blind  impulse  to  perform  this  motion  with 
something  in  the  hand  in  the  shape  of  a  stick  or  whip." 
"From  the  use  of  the  stick  and  whip  the  child  in  the 
course  of  time  learns  the  use  of  the  lever.  This  usu- 
ally does  not  occur  until  the  tenth  or  twelfth  year. 
There  is  considerable  variation  here.  It  is  interesting 
that  many  children  do  discover  this  incidentally  in 
their  play  with  a  stick."  1  Archer  also  mentions  the 
following  throwing  activities:  "Small  children  throw 
everything  they  can  get  hold  of,  blocks,  toys,  spoons, 
knives,  forks,  food,  balls,  etc.  When  larger  they 
throw  stones,  skippers,  snowballs,  corn  cobs,  and  pieces 
of  coal.  Stones  are  used  far  more  than  any  other  object 
in  throwing.  The  returns  show  that  they  throw  at 
trees,  street  lamps,  birds,  horses,  wagons,  people, 
windows,  church  steeples,  signs  on  streets,  shutters, 
passing  trains,  brass  balls  on  top  of  poles,  cats,  dogs, 
fruit  on  trees,  chickens,  and  barns.  About  40  per  cent 
of  the  boys  threw  at  cats,  dogs,  and  birds."  2  Does  not 
this  last  fact  seem  to  indicate  that  a  good  deal  of  the 
zest  in  throwing  comes  from  the  desire  to  make  things 
happen,  dogs,  cats,  and  birds  bringing  more  startling 
reactions  than  do  houses,  lamp  posts,  and  trees? 

Throwing  with  the  Help  of  a  Blow.  -  -  There  comes 
a  time  somewhere  around  the  sixth  year  when  the 
boy  seeks  naturally  to  hit  the  ball  a  blow  with  his 

iR.  A.  Archer,  "Spontaneous  Constructions  and  Primitive 
Activities  of  Children  Analogous  to  Those  of  Primitive  Man," 
American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  145. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  146. 


288        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

hand  or  with  an  improvised  bat.  This  play  is 
usually  combined  with  marksmanship.  While  chil- 
dren of  this  age  do  not  play  highly  involved  games  of 
marksmanship,  they  play  simplified  games  of  tennis, 
croquet,  baseball,  and  shinny,  in  which  there  is  either 
hitting  at  a  mark  or  hitting  with  some  idea  of  placing. 
In  most  games  of  this  sort  the  radius  of  the  arm  is 
artificially  extended  by  means  of  such  instrumentali- 
ties as  a  bat,  a  racket,  mallet,  sling,  or  bow.  The  leg 
is  also  used  in  kicking,  another  means  of  increasing  the 
sphere  of  movement,  as  in  football  when  kicking  at  a 
goal.  Other  games  involving  hitting  with  the  help  of 
a  blow  are  polo,  billiards,  cricket,  golf,  ping-pong, 
volley  ball,  and  net  ball. 

Throwing  at  a  Mark.  —  Groos  believes  that  with 
primitive  people,  throwing  at  a  mark  originated  in 
the  hostile  use  of  the  ability  to  throw,  and  notes  the 
fact  that  these  games  belong  essentially  to  the  male. 
It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  such  throwing  contests 
still  persist  in  the  form  of  games  when  conditions  no 
longer  put  a  premium  on  the  survival  of  those  posses- 
sing this  skill.  At  the  present  time  there  is  no 
intimate  connection  between  children's  plays  of  marks- 
manship and  fighting  play. 

Aiming  Requires  Skill  and  Promotes  Concentra- 
tion.—  With  very  young  children,  simple  forward 
throwing  is  quickly  followed  by  the  desire  to  hit 
something,  a  house,  a  tree,  animals,  or  another  child. 
The  interest  in  shooting  at  a  mark  or  goal  is  not  strong 
before  the  seventh  year,  although  a  few  kindergarten 
games  testify  to  the  beginning  of  this  interest.  One 
reason  for  this  interest  in  aiming,  at  about  the  seventh 


MOVEMENTS   OF    BODILY   CONTROL  289 

year,  is  that  the  finer  muscular  adjustments  are  now 
being  correlated  with  the  rapidly  developing  brain 
centers,  and  interest  in  skill  and  detail  are  for  the  first 
time  ends  and  aims  of  the  child's  motor  and  ideational 
activity.  That  marksmanship  plays  promote  a  high 
degree  of  concentration  of  attention  and  the  capacity 
for  swift  and  accurate  reactions  is  seen  by  even  a  casual 
observer. 

Shooting  and  aiming  plays  occur  spontaneously  in 
all  playgrounds  for  small  children.  A  large  number 
of  indoor  games  also  appeal  to  this  interest.  Manu- 
facturers of  toys  have  commercialized  the  shooting 
and  throwing  interest  in  all  forms  of  games,  such  as 
ring-toss,  tenpins,  target  shooting,  faba  gaba,  etc. 
Indeed,  as  Joseph  Lee  says,  "So  strong  indeed  is  the 
marksman  interest  that  it  threatens,  in  America  at 
least,  to  absorb  the  whole  play  schedule  to  itself. 
The  American  youth  are  just  now  missile  mad.  The 
old  running  games,  like  'Hill  Dill,'  'Three  Deep,' 
'Prisoner's  Base'  languish;  and  everything  has  to 
be,  if  not  baseball  or  a  modification  of  it,  at  least  some 
sort  of  throwing  game. "  l 

Many  Juvenile  Offenses  are  Due  to  the  Throwing 
Propensity.  —  The  Juvenile  Court  records  of  offences 
due  to  throwing  seem  to  support  Mr.  Lee's  opinion. 
One  day  the  writer  was  riding  in  a  Pullman  car 
through  flat,  level  country  when  a  stone  crashed 
through  the  window  at  her  side  and  hit  the  back  of  a 
man  directly  opposite.  The  conductor  gave  an  illumi- 
nating account  of  a  number  of  accidents  of  this  kind 
which  had  occurred  in  this  particular  section.     The 

1  J.  E.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  p.  206. 


290        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

accidents  had  been  traced  to  a  group  of  boys  who  even 
now  were  under  the  probation  of  the  juvenile  court. 
The  difficulty  of  eliminating  these  boys'  throwing 
activities  reminded  the  writer  of  her  own  trans- 
gressions in  childhood.  She  remembered  gathering 
stones  to  throw  into  buckets  of  water  which  people  were 
accustomed  to  draw  from  a  well  near  her  home. 
Admonitions  from  passers-by  had  little  effect.  She 
recalled  also  the  scorn  with  which  scoldings  about 
snow-balling  were  received  in  school.  A  sling-shot 
was  among  her  early  possessions.  One  day  she  dared 
a  cousin  to  shoot  a  stone  from  his  sling-shot  at  the 
screen  door  of  her  home.  The  cousin  accepted  the 
dare,  and  the  stone  crashing  into  a  piano  was  a  result 
she  had  little  foreseen.  The  writer  also  recalls 
vividly  the  throwing  contests  held  in  her  early  play- 
time. Throwing  stones  at  lamp  posts  and  over  low 
fences  and  buildings  and  skipping  them  over  the  water 
were  daily  pastimes. 

In  all  plays  with  rolling  balls  pleasure  in  motion  as 
such  accounts  for  the  satisfaction  afforded.  To  the 
infant,  rolling  or  shoving  balls  and  other  objects  is  a 
joy  and  an  end  in  itself.  As  soon  as  the  physical 
coordinations  used  in  aiming  movements  are  built  up, 
the  child  seeks  another  end,  namely  a  goal.  A  little 
later  comes  the  interest  in  rolling  hoops,  twirling  wheels 
on  string,  and  various  activities  connectrd  with  such 
play.  What  adult  but  remembers  the  fun  of  rolling 
a  hoop!  •  Here  we  find  the  pleasure  in  motion  com- 
bined with  a  new  problem,  that  of  developing  skill  in 
whipping  and  balancing  a  moving  object. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  29 1 

From  Scotland  comes  a  game  called  curling,  a 
pastime  common  also  in  Alaska  and  Yukon  Territory. 
This  winter  game  is  played  on  ice  by  sliding  from  one 
mark  to  another  great  hemispherical  stones  with 
handles  on  top.  The  object  of  the  sport  is  to  aim 
accurately  at  a  mark,  guarding  one's  own  partner 
while  striking  off  one's  antagonists. 

Both  the  rolling  of  hoops  and  the  skipping  of  stones 
bring  a  feeling  of  mastery  over  the  moving  object  and 
the  pleasure  increases  with  the  development  of  skill. 
Skipping  stones  on  water  is  hardly  less  pleasurable 
and  is  a  more  universal  pastime.  The  writer  re- 
members spending  long  hours,  when  a  child,  searching 
for  the  smoothest,  best-shaped  stones  with  which  to 
vie  with  her  companions  in  these  skipping  contests. 

Tops  and  marbles  have  become  almost  as  universal 
playthings  as  the  ball.  From  the  countryside  to  the 
heart  of  the  city,  no  boy  is  found  without  some  form 
of  top  to  spin,  some  favorite  game  of  marbles.  Lee 
says  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  nowadays  mere  tossing 
of  marbles  seems  to  have  driven  out  the  more  scien- 
tific snapping  of  the  marble.  "Tops,"  he  says,  "reach 
their  greatest  popularity  when  it  is  a  part  of  the  game 
to  strike,  and  if  possible  to  split  down  the  middle  your 
adversary's  top  by  a  straight  and  mighty  throw."  l 
To  illustrate  the  pleasure  children  find  in  spinning 
tops  and  thus  keeping  the  movements  of  another 
object  at  their  mercy,  the  following  is  quoted  from 
Wagner's  description  of  a  small  boy  who  liked  to 
keep  several  tops  spinning  at  once:  "Each  had  its 
name,   and  he  talked  to  them  all.     The  one  which 

1  J.  E.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  p.  206. 


292        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

spun  longest  was  his  favorite,  and  he  tested  them  by 
setting  them  all  in  violent  motion  while  he  ran  down 
in  the  yard.  When  he  came  back  he  rejoiced  over 
those  that  were  still  spinning."  ! 

Record  of  Throwing,  Rolling,  and 
Spinning    Plays 

/.     Simple  Throwing 

1.  In  the  baby  corner  of  the  playground  infants  are 
seen  dropping  spoons,  spools,  rag  dolls,  and  other 
objects  for  the  joy  of  seeing  the  "little  mothers"  pick 
them  up.  Some  are  tearing  newspapers  to  pieces, 
throwing  the  fragments  about  the  yard. 

2.  In  the  sand  pile  little  tots  are  dropping  sand 
through  their  fingers  and  throwing  it  as  far  as  they 
can  reach.  Others  are  dropping  stones  into  the  sand 
buckets. 

3.  In  one  corner  of  the  playground  a  group  of 
small  children  are  throwing  rubber  balls,  then  run- 
ning after  them.  One  baby  is  throwing  a  ball  at  her 
older  sister,  who  rolls  it  back  for  the  baby  to  pursue. 
Another  small  child  happens  to  throw  the  ball  upward, 
looks  amazed  when  it  is  gone,  and  fails  to  discover  its 
whereabouts. 

4.  A  little  boy  is  attempting  to  throw  a  ball 
upwards  and  catch  it  again.  At  first  he  loses  sight  of 
it  entirely  and  misses  his  catch.  After  some  experi- 
mentation he  learns  to  look  up  after  it  and  reaches  out 
gropingly,  his  face  all  puckered  up;  but  so  unco- 
ordinated are  his  movements  thai  he  seldom  catches  it. 

1  H.  Wagner,  as  quoted  by  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  p.  m. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  293 

5.  Older  boys  are  throwing  balls  upward,  trying 
to  reach  the  height  of  the  shelter  house.  As  the  balls 
speed  upward,  the  boys  bend  back  their  heads  and 
follow  their  courses  with  their  eyes,  catching  the  balls 
with  ease  and  precision. 

6.  Some  boys,  about  nine  years  old,  are  playing 
baseball  in  the  modified  form  of  "Scrub"  and  "Three 
O'  Cat." 

7.  Bouncing  balls  while  clapping  the  hands  a 
certain  number  of  times  between  the  throw  and  the 
catch  was  practiced  by  a  group  of  girls  for  several 
weeks  until  they  attained  considerable  proficiency  in 
this  art. 

8.  "Jacks"  is  a  game  in  which  throwing  and  catch- 
ing are  not  the  main  centers  of  interest;  rather  are  the 
attention  and  interest  focussed  on  what  is  done 
between  catches. 

2.     Throwing  by  Means  of  a  Blow  or  a  Stroke. 

1.  Babies  sitting  on  a  gymnasium  mat  in  the  play- 
room kick  with  their  feet  against  balls  suspended  from 
the  ceiling.  At  home  they  kick  against  their  mothers' 
hands. 

These  are  perhaps  the  simplest  plays  in  which  hitting  by  means 
of  a  stroke  is  noticeable. 

2.  A  group  of  boys  and  girls  are  gathered  about  a 
suspended  basket  ball  knocking  it  toward  each  other 
with  sharp,  quick  strokes. 

3.  Some  children  sit  on  the  floor  playing  "Hot 
Ball."  After  subjecting  the  ball  to  imaginary  heat 
they   strike   it   a^  sharp   blow   with   the   open   palm, 


294        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

sending  it  across  to  another  child.     The  ball  is  kept 
going  rapidly  in  this  play. 

4.  Two  boys  are  playing  a  spontaneous  game  re- 
sembling tennis.  Their  tennis  rackets  are  oblong 
blocks.  They  are  hitting  a  rubber  ball  across  a  rope 
stretched  between  two  chairs;  the  child  on  the  other 
side  of  the  rope  bats  the  ball  back  to  the  one  who 
throws  it. 

5.  Two  girls  are  playing  a  ball  game  with  toy 
apparatus  consisting  of  two  individual  nets  for  catch- 
ing and  a  light-weight  ball.  Placing  the  ball  in  the 
hollow  of  the  net  they  pull  the  sticks  apart  and  thus 
toss  the  ball  to  each  other.  The  child  receiving  the 
ball  in  her  own  net  tosses  it  back  to  the  second  child, 
who  also  attempts  to  catch  it  with  her  net. 

Some  little  tots  near  by  imitate  this  play;  one  throws  a  ball  which 
her  opponent  catches  in  her  apron  and  then  throws  back. 

6.  Sitting  on  the  floor,  some  children  kick  a  light 
basket  ball  back  and  forth. 

j.     Throwing  at  a  Mark 

1.  A  child  a  year  and  a  half  old  rolled  a  ball  toward 
his  mother,  missing  the  mark  quite  as  often  as  he 
reached  it.  When  he  succeeded  in  rolling  the  ball 
near  her,  she  gaily  rolled  it  back;  when  he  failed, 
she  let  him  creep  after  it. 

2.  A  favorite  occupation  on  the  playground  is 
aiming  balls  at  a  tree.  When  a  large  circular  target 
is  placed  on  the  tree  younger  children  aim  at  the  three 
outside  circles  indiscriminately;  older  ones  aim  at  the 
center  with  accuracy  and  precision. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  295 

3.  Several  boys  and  girls  between  four  and  six  years 
old  are  taking  turns  rolling  rubber  balls  at  a  pyramid 
built  of  blocks;  the  one  who  succeeds  in  knocking  it 
down  rebuilds  the  pyramid  and  gains  another  turn. 

4.  About  twenty  children  are  playing  a  ball  game 
with  the  play  leader;  each  child  has  a  rubber  ball 
which  he  throws  in  turn  at  an  open  basket;  after  one 
round,  those  who  succeed  in  getting  the  ball  into  the 
open  basket  have  another  turn,  and  so  on  until  some 
child  wins  the  final  honors. 

5.  In  the  playroom,  five  boys  about  six  years  old 
have  propped  a  table  against  some  chairs  to  make  a 
slide.  Down  this  inclined  plane  they  are  rolling  a 
ball,  endeavoring  to  knock  down  a  tenpin  at  the  foot 
of  the  table. 

No  score  is  kept;  the  activity  is  an  end  in  itself.  One  day  some 
older  boys  were  found  playing  a  similar  game,  using  the  slide  as 
an  inclined  plane  and  a  set  of  tenpins  for  the  mark.  Each  boy  had 
three  turns  and  kept  a  score  of  the  number  of  pins  he  knocked  down. 

6.  Ring-toss  and  quoits  are  played  daily  on  the 
playgrounds. 

7.  A  group  of  boys  invented  a  new  throwing  game 
by  suspending  a  tin  bucket  from  the  shelter  house. 
Standing  in  two  lines  the  members  of  these  teams 
took  turns  throwing  stones  into  the  pail.  A  score  was 
kept  and  at  the  end  of  ten  minutes  the  side  having  the 
higher  score  won. 

8.  Boys  are  playing  marbles.  The  six-year-olds 
shoot  at  anything  and  use  few  rules  for  their  play; 
the  older  ones  pick  a  good  shot  and  play  highly 
organized  games. 


296        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

9.  One  day  a  marble  tournament  took  place  on  a 
playground.  The  yard  was  marked  off  into  courts  and 
the  boys  contested  in  relays,  the  finals  coming  off 
with  great  spirit. 

10.  A  group  of  six  boys  from  seven  to  ten  years  old 
invented  an  interesting  marble  game;  they  cut  one 
large  and  two  small  circular  openings  in  a  shoe  box, 
propped  the  box  up  at  the  back  to  form  an  inclined 
plane,  and  took  turns  in  aiming  three  marbles  at  the 
holes.  A  score  of  sixty  points  was  kept;  each  marble 
that  went  into  the  large  hole  counted  five;  in  the  small 
holes,  ten. 

Nearly  all  marble  games  should  be  classified  as  throwing  at  a 
mark. 

11.  Some  boys  suspended  a  hoop  from  the  shelter 
house,  asked  for  two  basket  balls,  and  lined  up  on  two 
sides.  Each  time  a  member  of  either  team  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  a  ball  through  the  hoop,  a  stone  was 
dropped  into  the  counting  box  of  that  side  by  the  boy 
who  made  the  successful  play.  No  score  was  kept, 
but  when  the  boys  tired  of  the  game  they  counted 
-tones  to  see  which  side  had  won.  The  play  leader 
later  introduced  the  keeping  of  a  written  score. 

12.  In  one  playroom  boys  from  eight  to  ten  years 
of  age  devised  the  game  of  aiming  a  rubjber  ball  at  a 
spring  bell  attached  to  the  wall.  The  play  leader  sup- 
plied a  hoop  and  bell.  After  that,  several  games  were 
invented,  the  aim  of  all  being  to  hit  the  bell  a  certain 
number  of  times.  One  game  consisted  of  th rowing 
the  ball  over  the  head  when  standing  with  the  back 
toward  the  bell;  another  consisted  of  throwing  the  ball 
under  one  lei;,  .liming  at  the  bell. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  297 

13.  The  play  leader  helped  some  boys  to  make  a 
wooden  target  by  painting  a  circular  board  in  three 
concentric  circles,  red,  white,  and  blue.  The  hits 
scored  were  one,  two,  and  three  for  outer,  middle,  and 
inner  circles  respectively.  In  other  playgrounds  targets 
were  made  by  pasting  squares  of  red,  white,  and  blue 
paper  of  three  sizes  on  a  square  board. 

14.  A  group  of  boys,  most  of  them  ten  years  old, 
are  playing  a  game  in  which  the  object  is  to  throw  one 
ball  in  the  air  and  hit  it  with  another  ball. 

15.  Both  girls  and  boys  about  nine  and  ten  years 
old  enjoy  throwing  a  basket  ball  through  hoops 
fastened  horizontally  to  poles. 

16.  The  following  games  proved  popular  in  the 
indoor  playrooms.  Nearly  all  illustrate  the  principle 
of  rolling  or  throwing  objects  through  holes: 

Aiming  bean  bags  at  an  inclined  picture  board  where 
three  frogs  are  sitting.  If  the  bag  hits  a  frog's  head, 
it  touches  a  spring  which  lets  the  bag  through  a 
circular  trap  door;  if  not,  friction  makes  the  bag 
adhere  to  the  board. 

Shooting  toy  pistols,  with  corks  attached,  at 
pictures  of  three  rabbits  seated  on  stumps. 

Playing  faba  gaba  with  a  homemade  board. 

The  marble  box  game  and  the  hoop  and  bell  game  invented  by- 
children  also  belong  in  this  class. 

Down  and  Out.  A  popular  marble  game  consisting 
of  rolling  marbles  down  a  spiral  tube  into  holes  marked 
with  numbers  from  one  to  twelve. 

This  game  is  especially  popular  with  girls.  Six-year-old  children 
enjoy  merely  rolling  the  marbles,  while  children  from  seven  to  nine 
years  old  play  for  scores. 


298        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Tiddledy  Winks:   a  dish  serves  as  a  mark  for  shots. 
Croquet:  the  wicket  serves  the  same  purpose. 
Crokinole:  here  the  mark  is  more  varied. 

4.     Rolling  and  Spinning  Plays 

1.  Babies  are  rolling  halls  and  creeping  after 
them ;  they  are  also  twirling  and  bouncing  bright 
colored  balls  attached  to  strings. 

2.  Some  babies  just  old  enough  to  creep  are  twirl- 
ing small  embroidery  hoops  on  the  floor. 

3.  Little  boys  sit  twirling  tops  with  a  rotary  hand 
motion.  Older  ones  spin  small  hoops  attached  to 
strings. 

4.  A  two-and-a-half-year-old  child,  whom  the 
writer  observed  in  a  home,  acquired  considerable  skill 
in  twirling  a  teething  ring  on  a  heavy  cord.  He  would 
beg  his  father  to  twirl  it  even  more  rapidly  and  would 
watch  the  movements  with  pleasure. 

5.  A  group  of  three-  and  four-year-old  children  are 
sitting  on  the  floor  playing  "Roll  Over,  Come  Back 
Here"  with  a  small  basket  ball. 

6.  Both  boys  and  girls  are  rolling  hoops;  one  boy 
has  fitted  together  two  hoops  to  form  a  hollow  sphere; 
two  other  children  are  doing  the  same  thing  with  four 
hoops.  This  leads  to  a  new  kind  of  hoop  race  in  which 
the  added  problem  of  keeping  the  hoop-ball  intact 
while  running  and  whipping  it  adds  zest  to  the  race. 

7.  Some  girls  are  spinning  tin  pans  preparatory  to 
playing  "Spin  the  Platter." 

8.  Boys  are  twirling  small  wheels,  which  have 
come  off  the  wheelbarrows,  on  strong  cord;  the  object 
is  to  see  who  can  keep  the  wheels  going  longest. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  299 

5.  Selected  Games  of  Skill  Involving  Throwing,  Rolling, 
and  Spinning  Movements 

In  this  account  of  selected  games  of  skill,  only  a 
few  of  the  best  games  are  included.  The  writer's 
purpose  is  to  show  by  analysis  the  important  aspects 
of  these  games;  in  the  analysis  the  appeal  of  movement 
will  be  considered  first,  followed  by  brief  comment  on 
the  social  and  intellectual  features.1 

Tossing.  —  1.  Children  toss  balls  together,  playing 
individually,  yet  deriving  considerable  fun  from 
running  after  the  balls,  dodging  stray  balls,  and 
sharing  achievements.  Skill,  speed,  accuracy,  rivalry, 
and  display  are  features  of  the  game. 

2.  Balloon  Ball.  —  Children  toss  a  large,  light  ball 
into  the  air  and  bat  it  upward  with  the  hand  until  a 
miss  is  made,  or  bat  it  downward,  striking  each  time 
on  the  upward  bounce.  Among  the  developments  of 
this  game  are  speed,  accuracy  of  blow,  and  attempts 
at  display. 

3.  Children  toss  or  bounce  balls  to  music,  using 
simple,  accented  two-four  and  four-four  time  at  first, 
later  three-four  time.  There  is  increasing  perception 
of  rhythm  in  relation  to  accuracy  and  speed. 

Tossing  or  Throwing  at  a  Mark.  —  1 .  Children 
stand  in  a  circle  and  toss  rubber  balls  into  a  large 
basket  placed  in  the  center  of  the  circle.  The  game 
may  be  varied  by  tossing  sometimes  singly,  sometimes 
all  together.  Display,  attention,  accuracy,  and  skill 
are  involved. 

1  See  Zach  McGhee's  analysis  of  games  in  "A  Study  in  the  Play 
Life  of  Some  South  Carolina  Children,"  Pedagogical  Seminary, 
Vol.  VII,  pp.  469-478. 


300        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

2.  A  hoop  is  suspended  with  bell  attached  in  such  a 
way  that  the  bell  falls  into  the  center  of  the  hoop. 
The  children  attempt  to  hit  the  bell  with  a  ball  or  toss 
the  ball  through  the  hoop  without  touching  the  bell. 
In  this  game  enjoyment  of  acquiring  skill  is  evident, 
also  rivalry  and  display. 

3.  Bean  Bags.  --  Marks  are  set  up  or  circles  are 
drawn  on  the  ground.  Bean  bags  are  tossed  at  the 
marks  or  into  the  chalk  circles.  A  score  may  be  kept 
if  desired.  The  chief  enjoyment  is  in  the  movements 
connected  with  throwing,  in  skill,  in  rivalry,  and  in 
display. 

4.  Straddle  Ball.  —  The  players  form  a  circle 
astride,  touching  the  feet  of  players  at  each  side. 
One  player  stands  in  the  center  and  tries  to  throw  a 
basket  ball  between  the  feet  of  any  two  players  or 
between  a  player's  feet.  When  he  succeeds  in  doing 
this,  the  player  under  whose  feet  the  ball  passed  or  the 
player  to  whose  right  the  ball  passed  must  exchange 
places  with  the  center  player.  The  chief  interest  is 
in  agility,  rivalry,  combat,  and  strategy. 

5.  Human  Target.  —  One  child  becomes  a  target 
standing  in  the  center  of  a  group  of  players.  The 
others  pass  a  basket  ball  around  among  themselves 
and  throw  it  at  the  center  player.  When  a  player 
receives  a  ball  he  must  throw  it  from  where  he  stands. 
If  in  a  poor  position  for  a  good  shot,  he  can  throw  the 
ball  to  someone  near  ■  the  target.  A  new  target 
replaces  the  center  player  when  he  is  touched  or  hit  by 
a  ball.  The  chief  interest  in  this  game  consists  in 
throwing,  suspense,  strategy,  skill,  and  rivalry. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  301 

6.  Straddle  Ball  Relay.  —  Children  are  formed 
into  two  lines,  each  player  standing  with  feet  well 
apart  and  directly  behind  the  one  in  front.  At  the 
sign  "Go,"  the  first  player  in  each  line  throws  a  basket 
ball  between  his  feet  and  down  the  line  between  the 
feet  of  all  the  players.  The  last  players  in  the  line 
pick  up  the  balls  and  run  to  the  head  of  the  lines, 
repeating  the  throw.  When  every  player  in  the  lines 
has  done  this,  one  after  the  other,  the  race  ends.  The 
chief  enjoyment  is  in  agility  in  throwing  and  running, 
in  cooperation,  in  rivalry  in  combat,  and  in  suspense. 

7.  Bandy-Ball.  —  An  old  English  game  similar  to 
golf.  Children  use  "bandies,"  sticks  bent  and  round 
at  one  end,  to  drive  a  small  wooden  ball  to  fixed 
points.  Accuracy  of  aim,  rivalry,  and  competition 
enter  into  this  play. 

8.  Roll  Ball.  —  A  row  of  holes  in  the  ground  is 
assigned  to  players.  One  player  takes  a  ball,  stands 
off,  and  tries  to  roll  it  into  a  particular  hole.  The 
player  into  whose  hole  it  has  rolled  seizes  the  ball  and 
throws  it  at  the  other  players,  who  scatter  to  avoid 
being  hit.  If  he  succeeds  it  hitting  someone,  a  stone 
is  placed  in  the  hole  of  that  player;  if  not,  the  player 
must  put  a  stone  in  his  own  hole.  Any  player 
accumulating  five  stones  is  out  of  the  game.  Com- 
petition in  skill  and  resistance  account  for  much  of 
the  pleasure  in  this  game,  also  a  desire  to  star,  rivalry, 
manipulation,  and  a  sense  of  humor. 

9.  Arch  Ball.  --The  children  form  into  two  lines. 
The  head  player  in  each  line  throws  a  basket  ball  over 
his  head  into  the  hands  of  another  player,  who  has  his 
hands    in    receiving    position    over    his    head.     This 


302        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

player  repeats  the  throw  to  the  one  back  of  him. 
When  each  player  has  had  a  turn,  the  race  ends. 
Agility  in  throwing  and  running,  cooperation,  rivalry 
in  combat,  and  suspense  make  this  a  popular  play. 

Rolling  the  Ball.  —  I.  Children  sit  in  a  circle  and 
roll  or  bounce  the  ball  back  and  forth  to  each  other. 
The  play  is  varied  by  using  songs  describing  the  time 
to  roll  and  to  send  back ;  or  by  using  balls  of  different 
size  and  weight  which,  because  of  this  variation, 
demand  different  strength  to  handle.  Interest  is  in 
being  "it,"  a  sender  or  a  receiver,  in  skill  and  accuracy 
of  aim,  and  in  manipulation.  Where  words  are  used, 
language  interest  also  enters  in. 

2.  Hot  Ball.  -  -  The  children  pretend  the  ball  is 
hot  and  hit  it  back  and  forth  in  a  circle,  using  a 
quick,  sharp  blow  of  the  open  palm.  In  this  game, 
enjoyment  in  speed  and  accuracy  of  aim  is  enhanced 
by  humor,  rivalry,  and  agility  in  securing  a  turn. 

Rolling  at  a  Mark.  —  I .  Children  sit  in  a  circle  and 
roll  several  balls,  one  at  a  time,  into  circles  drawn  on 
the  floor,  or  roll  the  balls  at  towers  built  of  blocks. 
Those  who  have  sufficient  accuracy  of  aim  to  stop  one 
or  more  balls  within  the  chalk  circles,  or  to  hit  the 
towers,  win  another  turn.  Here  we  see  interest  in 
skill,  rivalry,  humor,  and  display. 

2.  Tenpins.  -  Tenpins  are  set  up  and  children 
bowl  at  them  with  small  wooden  or  hard-rubber  balls. 
Scores  can  be  kept  if  desired.  The  chief  interest  is  in 
the  physical  activity  of  rolling,  although  some  interest 
in  competition  and  display  enters  in. 

Spinning.--  i.  Spin  the  Platter.  Children  sit  in 
a  circle  and  take  turns  in  spinning  a  platter.     This 


MOVEMENTS   OF   BODILY   CONTROL  303 

may  be  varied  by  using  an  embroidery  hoop,  a  small 
wheel,  or  a  top.  Those  who  spin  longest  get  another 
turn.  The  chief  interest  here  is  in  passive  enjoyment 
in  motion  and  in  making  spinning  movements.  Skill 
and  competitive  interest  are  involved. 

2.  Spinning  Buttons.  —  Large  buttons  are  spun 
on  a  string.  Contestants  are  arranged  in  pairs. 
Here  we  see  passive  enjoyment  in  contemplating 
motion  as  well  as  pleasure  in  manipulating  the  string, 
together  with  love  of  display  and  competition  in  skill. 


CHAPTER  XX 

The  Significance    of    Manipulation  as  a   Play 

Activity 

What  is  Manipulation?  —  A  little  child,  unin- 
fluenced by  training,  pokes,  pulls,  scratches,  and 
otherwise  handles  many  objects  with  which  he  comes 
in  contact.  By  manipulation  we  mean  the  sum 
total  of  these  movements  or  any  one  of  the  various 
arm,  hand,  and  linger  movements  made  in  response 
to  objects  in  the  environment. 

What  is  Its  Significance  Among  Original  Ten- 
dencies? —  At  first  sight  these  instinctive  puttering 
movements  seem  to  accomplish  little,  although  they 
appear  to  have  a  certain  satisfyingness.  We  have  all 
watched  the  apparently  aimless  reach-grasp-put-in- 
the-mouth  movements  of  infants,  and  are  familiar 
with  the  eager  fingering  of  children,  who  poke  and 
maul  most  objects  within  their  reach.  These  re- 
sponses are  really  instinctive,  even  though  they  appear 
less  definite  than  some  of  the  other  inherited  ten- 
dencies. In  speaking  of  the  apparently  aimless 
appearance  of  manipulation,  visual  exploration,  and 
vocalization,  Thorndike  says:  "But  a  more  critical 
consideration  of  the  behavior  will  show  that  it  is 
conformable  to  the  general  type  of  a  connection  of  a 
definite  response  with  a  definite  situation,  perpetuated 
in  inheritance  by  its  utility."  ' 

1  E.  L.  Thorndike:  Educational  Psychology,  Vol.  I,  p.  136. 

304 


306        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Manipulation  is  Pleasurable.  --  To  see,  hear,  feel, 
and  make  things  happen  to  materials  and  objects  in 
their  environment  is  the  source  of  real  satisfaction  to 
children.  Sand  is  to  feel,  throw,  and  mold;  wood  is 
to  pound  with,  to  carve,  and  build  into  toys;  toys  are 
to  do  things  with,  and  are  the  more  satisfactory  if 
they  can  be  taken  apart  and  adapted  to  a  never- 
ending  variety  of  uses.  Such  activities  are  ends 
in  themselves;  keen  indeed  is  the  pleasure  of  being  a 
cause  of  the  changes  and  uses  of  things  in  the  physical 
world. 

Its  Educational  Significance.  -  -  The  aim  of  finger 
play  is  knowledge,  and  all  these  seemingly  indefinite 
hit-and-miss  handling  movements  of  infancy  and 
childhood  are  links  in  the  long  chain  of  human  experi- 
mentation, necessary  as  a  means  of  finding  out  the 
truth  about  natural  forces  and  materials,  essential  in 
order  that  this  environment  of  ours  may  be  remade 
and  adapted  to  the  constantly  progressive  demands  of 
man. 

Manipulation  Affords  Training  in  Sense  Percep- 
tion. —  Practice  in  handling  things  gives  a  greater 
power  of  discrimination  in  all  departments  of  sense 
perception.  Children  acquire  the  power  of  attention 
and  gain  practice  in  noticing  things  and  their  qualities. 
They  discriminate  between  hard  and  soft,  among 
colors,  curves,  and  straight  lines.  This  original 
tendency  to  manipulate  keeps  children  constantly 
active  where  things  are  concerned.  When  their 
movements  arc  inaccurate,  they  are  penalized  by 
accidents.  They  learn  to  feel  again,  look  again, 
touch  again  in  order  to  get  clearer  reports  of  objects 


MANIPULATION   AS   A   PLAY   ACTIVITY         307 

and  to  adapt  objects  to  their  purposes.  A  wonderful 
field  of  sense  training  is  thus  the  result  of  a  free  use  of 
manipulation.  Such  admonitions  as  "Don't  touch! 
Don't  handle!"  run  contrary  to  brain-set  and  muscle- 
set  in  childhood.  In  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  penalties 
fail  to  stop  destructive  acts  of  manipulation.  What 
child  does  not  cut  his  own  hair,  riddle  clothing  with  a 
knife,  unjoint  dolls  and  animals,  break  glass  to  bits, 
bend  wire  and  convert  plastic  materials  into  new 
forms  and  shapes? 

It  Affords  Social  Training.  —  After  the  first  crude 
handling  of  infancy  has  passed  into  touch  experimen- 
tation and  construction,  manipulating  activities  de- 
mand a  social  situation  in  which  to  develop.  Coop- 
eration is  necessary  in  most  manipulative  and 
constructive  plays  of  childhood.  Children  need  guid- 
ance and  leadership  as  well  as  cooperation  from  other 
children,  for  impulse  and  skill  are  often  far  apart. 
This  necessitates  a  give-and-take  of  experience  which 
constitutes  the  principal  social  gain  from  constructive 
activities. 

It  Affords  Economic  Training.  —  As  the  manipu- 
lative activities  of  childhood  expand  into  constructive 
work  with  all  kinds  of  plastic  materials,  they  become 
valuable  as  ends  in  themselves.  They  should  not  be 
considered  as  a  means  of  vocational  training.  The 
chief  economic  value  lies  in  the  habits  and  attitudes 
formed  rather  than  in  the  specialized  training  re- 
ceived. Dewey  has  shown  constructive  activities  as 
correlation  centers  in  which  the  child's  social  feelings 
are  tied  up  with  economic  and  industrial  needs  and 
processes.     One  of  the  chief  causes  of  industrial  unrest 


308        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

is  that  the  worker  lacks  social  training  and  an  intel- 
ligent understanding  of  his  economic  adjustment  to 
labor.  If  the  first  constructive  activities  are  social- 
ized, a  step  has  been  taken  in  economic  training. 

It  Affords  ^Esthetic  Training.  The  joy  of  creating 
or  constructing  is  not  necessarily  tied  up  with  aesthetic 
appreciation  of  the  thing  made.  When  a  child  makes 
a  kite  or  a  cart,  or  molds  apples  out  of  clay,  he  is  often 
carried  into  enthusiasm  because  he  enjoys  doing 
something,  "being  a  cause"  of  changes  in  the  paper  or 
wood  or  clay.  However,  he  is  more  prone  to  aesthetic 
appreciation  of  his  own  work  than  of  the  work  of 
others  because  of  the  effort  he  has  put  into  it.  If  the 
play  leadership  is  such  that  the  constructive  result  has 
also  some  small  artistic  merit,  the  transition  between 
crudity  and  beauty,  utilitarian  and  aesthetic,  is  made 
more  readily. 

Sex  Differences  in  Manipulative  and  Constructive 
Abilities.  —  A  study  of  sex  differences  in  any  field 
brings  us  to  the  interesting  conclusion  that  there  is 
more  variation  in  abilities  among  members  of  the 
same  sex  than  exists  between  the  opposite  sexes. 
However,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  in  regard  to  motor 
ability  of  the  sexes,  that  in  strength,  rapidity  of  move- 
ment, and  rate  of  fatigue  men  seem  to  have  an  easily 
measurable  advantage,  and  in  precision  of  movement 
a  slight  advantage.  The  only  concern  we  need  have  in 
the  field  of  play  is  to  see  that  girls  have  wider  oppor- 
tunities for  muscular  experimentation  than  have 
hitherto  been  provided;  for  in  every  group  of  girls 
there  are  always  some  who  can  perform  successfully 
many  muscular  hats  men  perform;  there  are  others 


MANIPULATION   AS  A  PLAY  ACTIVITY        309 

who  will  fall  far  below  the  average  for  male  achieve- 
ment. 

Manipulative  Activities  in  the  School.  —  Nearly  all 
manipulative  activities  are  included  in  courses  in 
practical  arts.  The  first  six  grades,  however,  do  not 
teach  the  practical  arts  from  the  vocational  point  of 
view.  The  aim  is  to  provide  activity  centers  with 
which  to  correlate  subject  matter  and  to  enrich  the 
child's  experience  by  giving  him  various  contacts. 
The  modern  elementary  school  includes  many  of  the 
practical  arts  in  its  curriculum;  it  has  long  been 
recognized  that  breadth  of  interest  is  more  necessary 
during  these  early  years  than  in  the  years  to  follow. 

Principles  Controlling  Progress  in  Manipulation.  — 
To  plead  for  a  psychological  order  of  procedure  in 
providing  for  manipulative  activities  seems  almost 
unnecessary  in  the  light  of  modern  reforms  in  ele- 
mentary education.  It  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  to 
see  children  in  progressive  schools  flit  about  naturally 
from  one  constructive  activity  to  another;  to  see  them 
lie  flat  on  the  floor  as  they  play  with  blocks,  or  sit 
comfortably  at  low  tables  to  mold  with  sand  and  clay. 
However,  the  rules  of  procedure  in  brief  are  as  follows: 
(1)  large,  coarse  movements  should  precede  small,  fine 
ones;  (2)  large  materials  such  as  sand,  clay,  large 
blocks,  and  large  crayons,  should  be  given  before  such 
materials  as  scissors,  small  crayon,  and  painting 
materials;  (3)  in  all  manipulative  activities,  work 
for  the  sake  of  expression  should  precede  work  for 
technique.  Originality  should  not  be  expected  until 
some  technique  has  been  gained. 


310        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

The  Project  in  Connection  with  Manipulations.  - 
According  to  W.  H.  Kilpatrick,  a  project  may  refer  to 
any  kind  or  variety  of  life  experience  which  is  actuated 
by  a  dominating  purpose.  He  notes  four  types  of 
projects.  It  is  with  the  first  that  we  are  especially  con- 
cerned as  we  study  manipulations.  "The  first  type 
represents  those  experiences  in  which  the  dominating 
purpose  is  to  do,  to  make,  or  to  effect;  to  embody  an 
idea  or  aspiration  in  material  form.  The  material  of 
which  the  thing  it  made,  in  which  the  idea  is  to  be 
embodied,  may  vary  from  clay,  wood,  cloth,  and  the 
like,  through  marble  or  pigment,  to  the  words  and 
thoughts  and  aspirations  of  a  letter,  a  speech,  a  poem, 
a  symphony,  or  a  prayer.  *  *  *  The  criterion  for 
judging  is  the  character  of  the  purpose.  Is  there  an 
idea  to  be  embodied?"  l  The  project  may  be  very 
simple  and  easily  accomplished,  as  when  a  child  in  the 
kindergarten  decides  to  build  a  wagon  in  order  that 
he  may  play  store,  and  finally  accomplishes  this  end 
the  same  day.  It  may  be  so  complex  that  it  requires 
the  combined  efforts  of  a  group  for  a  considerable 
period  of  time  to  bring  about  the  desired  result. 
All  manipulative  activities  arc  not  necessarily  proj- 
ects. To  partake  of  the  nature  of  projects  they  must 
represent  purposeful  planning  where  the  aim  is  fixed, 
guide  the  means  used  to  reach  it,  and  furnish  its 
motivation. 

Constructive  Activities.  -  Interest  in  manipulative 
or  constructive  activities  leads  to  a  large  number  of 

1  W.  H.  Kilpatrick  and  Others:  "Dangers  and  Difficulties  of  the 
Project  Method  and  How  to  Overcome  Them— A  Symposium,'' 
Teachers'  College  Record,  Vol.  XXII,  No.  4,  PP-  283-4. 


MANIPULATION   AS  A   PLAY  ACTIVITY        311 

experimentations.  The  constructive  efforts  of  children 
take  us  far  afield  into  life.  Contact  with  earth,  air, 
light,  heat,  fire,  and  water  demand  manipulation  on 
the  part  of  the  child.  Just  as  primitive  man  in  his 
efforts  to  sustain  life  and  procure  for  himself  food, 


Photographed  for  the  Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 

Constructive  and  Manipulative  Activities  Accompany  Many 
Dramatic  Plays 


shelter,  and  clothing  found  it  necessary  to  subdue  and 
control  natural  forces  and  materials,  so  children,  in 
their  efforts  to  handle  and  discover,  learn  to  make 
plastic  materials  serve  their  purposes.  Children, 
however,  learn  to  control  such  natural  forces  as  sand, 
clay,  and  water  not  because  of  any  outer  compulsion 


312        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

such  as  impelled  primitive  man  to  subdue  them,  but 
because  of  the  inner  urge  to  manipulate  and  handle. 
The  writer  regrets  that  the  limitations  of  the  written 
page  necessitate  a  rather  arbitrary  classification  of 
children's  projects  with  sand,  clay,  water,  etc.  How- 
ever, the  records  themselves  show  how  rich  and  varied 
children's  experimentations  are,  and  how  their  thought 
breaks  down  the  barriers  of  materials  and  circumvents 
the  limitations  of  natural  forces. 

Learning  through  Manipulative  Activities.  -  In 
their  playful  experimentation  children  learn  much 
about  the  qualities  of  things,  and  discover  the  applica- 
tion of  many  natural  and  mechanical  laws.  For 
example,  in  gardening  the  child  learns  how  to  control 
conditions  of  heat  and  moisture.  In  building  bridges, 
dams,  and  boats,  he  discovers  the  pressure  of  fluids 
and  the  laws  of  density,  buoyancy,  and  specific 
gravity.  In  building  fires,  he  acquires  information 
about  draughts  and  combustion.  In  experimenting 
with  kites,  windmills,  and  airplanes  he  obtains  a 
knowledge  of  air  currents  and  air  pressure.  In 
playing  with  mirrors  and  prisms,  in  blowing  soap 
bubbles,  and  in  making  shadow  pictures,  he  learns 
something  of  the  reflection  and  refraction  of  light. 
In  producing  acoustic  effects  with  toys  such  as  drums, 
reed  pipes,  and  whistles,  he  gains  a  practical  knowledge 
of  resonance  and  density  of  air.  Many  of  the  records 
involving  manipulation,  experimentation,  and  curi- 
osity will  show,  better  than  any  discussion  can  point 
out,  the  joy,  manual  skill,  scientific  knowledge,  and 
social  insight  gained  by  children  through  play  activities 
involving  natural  forces  and  materials. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

Spontaneous  Play  in  the  Earth 

Spontaneous  Play  in  the  Earth  is  Natural  to  Chil- 
dren. —  The  child  of  to-day  shares  with  children  of  all 
ages  the  delight  of  playing  with  soil,  sand,  and  clay. 
Without  training  he  rolls,  molds,  pokes,  and  handles 
the  earth.     In  all  such  play  the  natural  impulse  to 
manipulate  is  satisfied  by  doing  something  and  having 
something   happen   as   a   result.     The   child   likes   to 
roll  in  the  grass,  pile  up  stones,  dig  in  the  moist  sand 
with  his  hands  and  feet,   poke  holes  in  the  ground 
with  a  stick,  dig  with  implements,  shape  and  mold  clay 
into  creations  of  his  own  fancy,  till  and  plant  the  soil ; 
in  fact,  he  likes  to  test  in  multiform  ways  his  power 
over    materials    and    natural    forces.     Perhaps    the 
following    incidents    will    illustrate    the    spontaneous 
interest  which  contact  with  soil,  sand,  and  clay  affords 
children.     The    writer    once    observed    some    street- 
cleaners  deposit  a  pile  of  sand  in  front  of  a  house. 
Instantly  all  the  children  of  the  neighborhood  con- 
gregated on  the  spot,  and  all  during  the  day  numbers 
of  them  worked  like  busy  bees  digging,  molding,  and 
building  in  the  sand.     At  another  time  the  author 
was  visiting  a  playground  located  near  the  banks  of 
the  Monongahela  River  in  Pittsburgh.     The  children 
had  discovered  a  natural  clay  bed  and  were  wild  with 
interest    in    molding    and    shaping    the    moist    clay. 
Some  of  the  children  made  cups,  saucers,  plates,  plat- 

313 


314        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

ters,  and  fruit  baskets,  putting  them  into  immediate 
use  on  a  hastily  improvised  tea  table.  Others  set 
up  a  box  for  a  counter  and  started  a  store.  They 
did  not  care  to  sell,  so  occupied  were  they  in  making 
things  and  arranging  them  on  the  counter:  cabbages, 
apples,  pears,  plums,  potatoes,  loaves  of  bread,  sticks 
of  candy  —  all  made  of  clay.  For  more  than  two 
hours  these  children  played  happily  and  constructively. 
As  an  example  of  spontaneous  gardening  we  have  but 
to  recall  the  story  of  the  boy  who  dug  up  the  grass  and 
sod  on  a  beautiful  lawn,  in  order  to  plant  some  grass 
seed,  which  he  carefully  covered  with  loose  earth. 

Play  in  Sand.  —  From  the  time  when  the  baby 
begins  to  sift  sand  through  his  tiny  fingers  just  for  the 
satisfaction  the  "feel"  of  it  affords,  through  the  years 
when  sand  serves  as  a  medium  for  reproducing  the 
environment,1  a  sand  pile  should  be  easy  of  access  to 
the  growing  boy  or  girl.  As  Joseph  Lee  says: 
"Children  never  tire  of  it.  The  very  day  of  their 
return  from  the  seashore,  where  they  had  lived 
actually  on  a  sand  beach,  they  rushed  out  and  began 
playing  with  the  sand  box  as  if  they  had  never  seen  a 
handful  of  such  material  before.  The  reason,  of 
course,  as  I  have  elsewhere  stated,  is  that  sand  is 
plastic  to  their  hands,  and  more,  that  it  takes  the  form 
they  imagine  for  it,  instead  of  following  some  precon- 
ception of  its  own."  ■ 

Community  Work  in  the  Sand  Table.  —  Of  com- 
munity work  in  the  sand  table,  Dr.  Gesell  says  the 

1  See  G.  S.  Hall's  "The  Story  of  a  Sand  Pile,"  Aspects  of  Child 
Life  and  Education. 

2  Quoted  by  W.  B.  Forbush:  The  Manual  of  Play,  p.  13. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH          315 

following:  "Each  child  may  have  a  part  in  building 
the  farm,  the  Indian  or  the  Eskimo  village,  the  circus 
or  store.  Community  work  and  a  common  respon- 
sibility establish  a  feeling  of  comradeship  of  which 
the  schools  are  sorely  in  need.  It  gives  an  oppor- 
tunity for  just  comparisons  and  mutual  suggestions. 
The  children  will  work  in  pairs  or  in  groups  of  three  or 
four,  solving  their  problems  independently,  but  being 
obliged  to  conform  to  the  general  purpose  or  plan."  1 

The  Scope  of  Representation  in  the  Sand  Pile.  — 
As  the  records  show,  almost  any  experience  vital  to 
childhood  is  represented  in  the  sand  pile,  with  or 
without  the  addition  of  other  materials.  Farm  life  is 
depicted,  parks  and  zoos  are  laid  out;  fruit  stands, 
bakeries,  and  stores  operate  on  busy  streets;  circus 
tents  are  set  up  and  the  menagerie  is  installed  on  the 
grounds;  soldiers'  camps  are  constructed  and  war 
carried  on.  It  matters  not  whether  the  ideas  drama- 
tized are  gained  through  history,  literature,  or  in  the 
everyday  walks  of  life,  all  are  realistically  played  out. 
The  records  presented  show  the  type  of  spontaneous 
sand  play  which  occurs  on  a  playground.  Where 
smaller  groups  of  children  play  together,  better  edu- 
cational results  can  be  obtained  than  where  the  sand 
pile  is  congested.  The  presence  of  a  play  leader 
insures  progress.  She  clarifies  and  enlarges  the  chil- 
dren's ideas  through  suitable  suggestions  or  through 
the  use  of  stories  or  pictures. 

Materials  Used  in  the  Sand.  —  Children  of  two  and 
three  years  of  age  need  few  materials  for  play  in  the 
sand.     They  enjoy  sifting  the  dry  sand  through  their 

1  Ibid.,  p.  14. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY  IN   THE   EARTH  317 

fingers,  heaping  it  loosely  in  piles,  throwing  it  about, 
and  burying  their  hands  deep  in  the  sand.  Given 
shovels,  pails,  and  spoons  they  occupy  themselves 
for  hours  filling  buckets  with  sand  and  emptying  the 
sand  out  of  the  buckets.  They  also  enjoy  sifting  sand 
through  cans  with  perforated  tops.  When  the  sand 
is  moist,  young  children  soon  Jearn  to  pat  little  cakes 
in  the  hollows  of  their  hands.  Later,  after  they  have 
acquired  skill  in  doing  this,  sand  molds  of  various 
sizes  and  shapes  add  zest  to  the  play  and  suggest  new 
possibilities.  Children  of  kindergarten  age  usually 
mold  with  their  hands  trees,  roads,  houses,  and 
figures.  It  is  possible  to  purchase  a  tin  village  for 
sand  modeling.  This  set  consists  of  hollow  figures  of 
houses,  trees,  and  other  objects.  After  filling  the 
forms  with  moist  sand  it  is  possible  for  children  to 
transfer  these  molded  forms  to  the  sand  table. 
Wooden  stencils  for  molding  in  the  sand  are  also 
procurable.  These  are  used  by  the  children  to 
transfer  pictures  into  the  sand.  For  printing  in  the 
sand  there  are  boxes  of  raised  letters.1  Molds  of  fish, 
birds,  animals,  and  of  various  geometrical  patterns 
are  to  be  found  in  nearly  every  department  store. 
A  wooden  sand  mill  with  a  wheel  which  turns  around 
by  the  action  of  the  sand  is  also  much  enjoyed  by  the' 
children.  The  writer  has  a  vivid  recollection  of 
playing  for  hours  in  her  childhood  with  a  sand  mill 
made  out  of  a  tin  can  perforated  in  several  places  so 
that  the  sand  kept  running  out  by  the  force  of  gravity. 
It  is  evident  to  anyone  who  has  watched  children  play 

1  For  suggestions  on  sand  toys  see  W.  B.  Forbush:  The  Manual  of 
Play,  p.  298. 


318        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

in  the  sand  that  they  are  ready  and  willing  to  invent 

their  own  materials  as  the  need  arises.  The  records 
will  show  how  cannon  were  made  out  of  old  window- 
shades;  trees  and  flowers,  from  twigs  and  tissue 
paper;  soldiers,  out  of  clothespins  dressed  up;  a 
menagerie  out  of  waterproof  roofing  paper;  ducks, 
fish,  and  frogs  were  cut  from  paper  and  mounted  on 
corks  so  that  they  would  float  on  water;  houses  were 
constructed  of  blocks,  boards,  and  spools;  and  wagons, 
telephones,  and  street  cars  were  hastily  improvised 
out  of  cardboard  boxes,  spools,  ribbon  bolts,  collar 
buttons,  and  milk-bottle  tops.  A  tool  chest  and 
boxes  of  sewing  material  are  indispensable  aids  in 
meeting  emergency  calls  for  materials  to  enhance 
dramatic  and  constructive  play  in  the  sand. 

How  Play  in  Sand  Correlates  with  School  Sub- 
jects.--The  sand  pile  presents  opportunity  to  the 
teacher  for  constructive  suggestions  in  the  use  of 
number  through  collecting  the  objects  molded  and 
arranging  them  in  groups;  in  art,  through  the  forms 
molded;  and  in  physics,  through  the  control  of  phys- 
ical laws  in  constructing  with  sand.  Miss  Frances 
McGough  mentions  some  of  these  possibilities  in  an 
article  on  "The  Sand   Tile     -  Its  Use  and  Care": 

;'The  next  development  is  that  in  which  the  molded 
sand  is  turned  out  of  the  mold  for  further  play.  The 
handling  is  no  longer  an  end  but  a  mean-  by  which 
1  he  child  is  enabled  to  w  <a\  e  innumerable  imaginath  e 
and  imitative  plays.  The  boy  becomes  a  grocer  and 
weighs  out  sugar  lor  his  customers.  The  girl  is  a 
homemaker  and  the  sand  becomes  sugar,  Hour,  tea; 
in  fact,  anything  which  it  in  any  way  suggests.     Who 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  319 

has  not  made  mud  pies,  and  perhaps  tried  to  eat  them? 
In  connection  with  the  store  plays,  counting  and 
measuring  plays  spring  up.  Buying  and  selling  sugar 
and  similar  commodities  call  for  weights  and  measures. 
The  words  pint  and  quart  begin  to  be  heard,  although 
the  vessels  which  the  child  uses  to  represent  these 
measurements  are  very  diminutive.  When  the  chil- 
dren begin  to  do  this  the  teacher  may  use  the  oppor- 
tunity to  introduce  real  measures.  Crude  scales  are 
also  used  for  weighing.  The  baker  sells  cakes  by  the 
dozen  and  half  dozen.  Artistic  tendencies  exhibit 
themselves  through  the  efforts  of  the  children  to 
obtain  and  use  prettily  shaped  molds  for  their  cake- 
making  and  through  attempts  to  decorate  the  cakes 
with  pretty  flowers,  pictures  traced  in  the  sand  with 
sticks,  or  designs  of  small  pebbles."  "Older  children, 
especially  the  boys,  delight  in  plays  that  show  the 
operation  of  physical  laws.  They  delight  in  crudely 
constructed  sand  mills.  They  have  been  known  to 
spend  hours  in  the  construction  of  a  gravity  road,  down 
a  winding  pathway  on  a  mountain  of  sand.  If  the 
curve  of  the  road  or  the  inclination  of  the  slope  is  not 
just  right  the  marbles  go  over  the  side  instead  of 
rolling  down  the  pathway  made  for  them.  There  is  a 
feeling  of  real  triumph  when  the  road  is  just  right  and 
the  marbles  at  last  go  racing  round  the  curves  and 
finally  reach  their  resting  place  at  the  bottom."  l 

How  to  Construct  Sand  Boxes,  Trays,  and  Bins  for 
Home  Use.  —  In  the  modern  home  there  is  often 
need  of  economy  of  space  even  where  a  nursery  is 

•F.  McGough:  "The  Sand  Pile— Its  Use  and  Care,"  The 
Playground,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  160-169. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH          321 

installed.  If  a  kindergarten  sand  table  is  used,  a 
table  top  can  be  put  over  it  whenever  the  use  of  table 
space  is  desired.  Window  seats  can  be  so  constructed 
that  zinc-lined  sand  trays  may  be  fitted  in  near  the 
top,  while  a  space  for  toys  remains  below;  doors  open- 
ing up  in  sections  on  top  make  the  sand  trays  available 
for  use,  and  when  closed  form  the  window  seat.  Sand 
trays  may  also  be  built  under  the  floor  by  cutting  a 
sectional  door  in  the  floor.  Care  to  cleanse  the  sand 
by  frequent  exposure  to  the  sun  is  quite  necessary. 

The  outdoor  sand  pile  should  have  both  shade  and 
sun,  because  if  there  is  no  sun  the  sand  soon  becomes 
unsanitary,  and  if  there  is  no  shade  the  sand  becomes 
hot  and  baked  in  appearance,  and  the  children  un- 
comfortable when  using  it.  A  tree  affords  the  best 
kind  of  shade  for  a  sand  pile;  it  is  cooler  than  the 
canvas  shades  sometimes  stretched  on  frames  above 
the  playground  sand  piles,  and  affords  an  ideal  com- 
bination of  shade  and  sun.  Any  building  sand  or 
bank  sand  will  prove  satisfactory,  although,  of  course, 
the  white  sand  of  the  seashore  is  best.  The  sand  bin 
may  be  built  of  any  desired  size;  twelve-inch  planks 
make  a  sufficiently  deep  box.  A  ledge  about  eight 
inches  wide  should  surround  the  box.  This  may  be 
used  as  a  shelf  on  which  to  mold  cakes  or  to  display 
wares  in  store  plays. 

Gardening 

The  Appeal  of  Gardening.  —  Digging  in  the  soil  is 

almost    an    instinctive    pleasure    with    children.     It 

seems  to  appeal  to  nerve  cells  in  some  way  that  makes 

for  relaxation  and  emotional  contentment.     Children 


322        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

like  to  dig  and  scratch  in  the  soil  and,  until  taught  to 
protect  and  nurture  growing  things,  they  often 
uproot  and  demolish.  From  this  genuine  interest  in 
digging  in  the  soil  it  is  but  a  step  to  planting  and 
gardening.  Native  curiosity  often  impels  busy  hands 
to  dig  up  what  they  have  planted  that  eager  eyes  may 
search  for  the  first  signs  of  life.  To  meet  this  instinctive 
interest  in  digging  and  planting,  many  playgrounds 
have  established  community  gardens  in  the  neighbor- 
hoods near  by.  In  these  gardens  each  child  may  have 
his  own  plot,  and  dig,  plant,  and  nurture,  aided  by 
the  wind,  rain,  and  sun. 

There  is  something  so  elemental  and  primitive  about 
children's  enjoyment  of  digging  and  planting  that  we 
need  to  give  it  more  serious  consideration. 

The  Educational  Content  of  Gardening.  —  Garden- 
ing is  rich  in  educational  content;  it  affords  rich 
contacts  and  gives  children  of  different  ages  a  chance 
to  learn  about  nature  through  working  with  her, 
applying  her  laws,  and  observing  the  wonders  she 
creates.  It  is  the  "doing"  side  that  is  important. 
However,  the  knowing  side  should  not  be  left  out  of 
consideration.  As  a  means  of  understanding  the 
harvest,  our  source  of  food  supply,  the  home  and 
school  garden  offers  a  center  of  correlation.  Excur- 
sions to  enlarge  the  child's  conception  of  the  harvest, 
the  marketing  of  crops,  transportation,  prices,  and  cosl 
of  production,  all  bring  a  better  understanding  of  the 
significance  of  gardening.  There  are  many  approaches 
to  gardening,  all  of  which  have  a  point  of  contact  in 
play  and  a  significance  in  education.  First,  there  is 
the  aesthetic  side,   the   interest    in    beauty  of  color, 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH 


323 


form,  and  design.  Then  there  is  the  appeal  of  neat- 
ness and  orderliness;  through  raking  up  leaves  and 
burning  weeds,  children  learn  the  value  of  tidiness  in  a 
garden.  The  economic  side  also  has  some  educational 
importance.  Children  like  to  use  what  they  grow 
and  thus  come  to 
know  the  relative 
economic  values 
and  uses  of  var- 
ious herbs,  fruits, 
and  vegetables. 
The  scientific  in- 
terest is  perhaps 
of  paramount 
importance. 
Through  caring 
for  plants,  chil- 
dren learn  the  life 
cycle  of  each 
plant  and  its 
habits  of  reacting 
to  various  kinds 
of  soil,  temper- 
ature, and  rainfall.  The  hand  that  manipulates,  the 
eye  that  observes,  follow  the  trail  of  the  scientist  and 
formulate  laws  by  direct  observation  of  cause  and 
effect. 

Playing  with  Clay 
The  Appeal  of  Clay.  —  Did  you  ever  see  a  group  of 
children   yield   themselves  completely  to  the  enjoy- 
ment which  play  with  clay  affords?     It  is  probable 


School  of  Childhood,  University  of  Pittsburgh 

Play  in  the  Earth 


324        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

that  to  shape  and  to  mold  this  soft,  yielding  substance 
is  instinctively  satisfying.  The  instinct  of  manip- 
ulation and  the  love  of  workmanship,  inherent  in 
original  nature,  combine  to  make  the  appeal  of  clay 
immediate  and  universal  where  children  are  con- 
cerned. One  has  hut  to  walk  along  the  crow  did 
beaches  at  any  summer  resort  to  observe  the  tendency 
common  to  adults  to  poke,  handle,  and  mold  damp 
sand  into  shapes  the  fancy  suggests.  It  is  as  if  surplus 
nervous  energy  were  discharged  with  resulting  free- 
dom from  strain.  Children  sometimes  quiet  clown 
instantly  as  they  yield  themselves  to  the  enjoyment 
which  results  from  externalizing  their  ideas  and  feelings 
in  molded  clay. 

The  Educational  Significance  of  Clay  Molding. 
This  study  does  not  aim  to  apply  the  values  gained  in 
observing  spontaneous  play  to  subject  matter  of  the 
elementary  grades.  In  regard  to  the  universal  use 
of  clay  in  public  schools  it  seems  necessary  only  to 
point  out  the  wide  range  of  experimentation  which 
has  resulted  in  courses  in  the  practical  arts. 

Records  of  Sand  Plays 

Play  in  Dry  Sand.  Washington  Park.  —  One  day 
a  new  sand  table  appeared  in  the  Washington  Park 
playroom.  The  small  children  from  two  and  a  half 
to  six  years  old  gathered  quickly  around  it  and  began 
to  handle  the  dry  sand.  Some  of  the  smallest 
children  delighted  in  sifting  the  wand  through  their 
fingers:  one  child  said  it  was  salt;  another  called  it 
sugar.  They  enjoyed  burying  one  hand  by  sifting 
-and    from    the    other    hand    gently    over   it.     Other 


Mg 

't^tf&tLl 

1  4ft 

Plays  in  the  Sand 


326        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

children  started  at  once  to  pile  up  the  sand;  two  or 
three  connected  their  piles.  Some  dug  wells.  Others 
made  sand  piles  of  varying  sizes  and  dug  holes  in  the 
tops  for  chimneys,  evidently  intending  to  make 
houses.  One  child  built  a  large  sand  pile  and  called 
it  a  mountain,  tracing  a  railroad  track  around  the 
base. 

Carrying  Sand.  Washington  Park.  —  By  mistake, 
a  load  of  sand  was  dumped  on  the  ground  instead  of  in 
the  sand  boxes.  The  children  played  they  were 
expressmen  and  street  cleaners.  For  several  days 
they  shovelled  the  sand  into  small  wheelbarrows  and 
carted  it  to  the  boxes.  One  child  played  "boss"  and 
directed  the  work  of  the  others. 

Houses.  Lewis  Playground.  —  Each  child  in  the 
group  made  his  own  house  and  yard  in  the  sand  box. 
Some  built  walls  around  their  houses;  others  sur- 
rounded them  with  fences.  The  houses  varied  in 
size  and  appearance;  some  had  doors,  chimneys,  and 
steps  shaped  in  the  wet  sand;  a  few  houses  were  built 
of  sand  and  blocks  together;  these  last  were  larger  and 
stronger  than  the  others.  Nearly  all  the  children 
gathered  grass  to  put  in  the  yards. 

Farmyard  Play.1 —  One  day  a  group  of  children  made 
a  farm  scene  in  the  sand  table.  The  following  morning 
a  little  girl  brought  a  tiny  wooden  dog  to  guard  the 
farm.  Other  animals  were  contributed  and  the 
children  had  great  fun  making  the  animals  walk  in 
and  out  of  the  farmyard  gate.  They  said  the  dog 
could  live  in  the  house,  but  the  cow,  horse,  and  sheep 
must  go  to  the  barn.     As  the  first  barn  constructed 

'From  the  records  of  Edith  Murray. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  327 

was  too  small  to  hold  all  the  animals,  a  larger  one  had 
to  be  built.  They  planned  a  barn  in  which  there  was 
room  for  all  the  cows  and  the  horse;  they  also  built 
separate  kennels  for  the  dogs,  pens  for  the  pigs,  and 
coops  for  the  chickens. 

Gardens.  Washington  Park.  —  A  group  of  chil- 
dren made  gardens  in  the  sand.  Each  child  marked 
off  a  space  for  himself.  He  next  asked  for  some  tissue 
paper,  and  twisted  small  pieces  of  it  into  flowers; 
these  he  planted  in  straight  rows  and  circles,  using 
green,  blue,  and  yellow  in  various  combinations. 
When  these  small  gardens  were  finished  several 
children  made  a  large  park  and  built  a  fence  of  blocks 
around  it. 

Gardens  and  Farm.  Sullivan  Playground.  —  One 
day  the  children  became  much  interested  in  making 
gardens  in  the  sand ;  this  interest  grew  into  the  laying 
out  of  a  farm  into  fields,  orchards,  and  a  house. 
Then  the  children  seemed  satisfied  and  proceeded  to 
play  farmer.  They  loaded  the  wagon  with  grass 
to  represent  hay,  pulled  it  a  short  distance,  and  then 
unloaded  it  in  the  barn.  After  loading  and  unloading 
several  times  it  occurred  to  them  to  unhitch  the  horses. 

In  this  simple  little  play,  the  loading  and  unloading  seemed  to  be 
the  chief  point.  Interest  in  constructing  the  farm  and  wagon  was 
subservient  to  the  playing  out  of  a  little  drama,  representing  some 
familiar  events  connected  with  farming. 

Park  and  Zoo.     Wickersham  School  Playground.  — 

Some  of  the  children  had  been  taken  by  their  parents 
to  picnics  at  Kennywood  and  Highland  parks.  On 
the  playground  the  next  day  they  built  an  amusement 
park,  laying  out  car  tracks  and  constructing  a  roller 


328        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

coaster  and  shoot  the  chutes.  They  hollowed  out  a 
lake,  filled  it  with  water,  and  put  paper  boats  on  it. 
After  they  had  sailed  the  boats  a  while,  it  occurred  to 
them  to  make  a  zoo.  They  decided  this  should  not  be 
near  the  car  tracks,  lest  the  animals  be  frightened. 
So  they  selected  a  quiet  corner  of  the  park  and  dug 
caves  for  the  different  animals.  This  play  con- 
tinued for  several  days. 

Fruit  Stand.  Arsenal  Park.  -  The  children  molded 
wet  sand  into  apples,  pears,  and  peaches,  using  twigs 
for  stems.  They  arranged  these  on  a  board  for  a 
fruit  stand  and  sold  fruit  to  passers-by. 

Beehives.  Ormsby  Park.  —  One  day  the  children 
made  beehives  in  the  sand  by  covering  cubes  with 
damp  sand. 

Street  Life.  Ralston  School  Playground.  —  A  very 
quiet  business  street  was  represented,  having  a  meat 
market,  grocery,  bakery,  and  bank.  Next,  a  resi- 
dence street  was  laid  out  exactly  parallel  to  the 
business  section.  Homes  were  built  along  both  sides 
of  the  street;  telephones  were  put  Up  and  business 
fiourished  for  some  time. 

Baking  Day.  Soho  Club  Playground.  —A  group 
of  small  children  made  cakes  of  various  shapes  by 
molding  wet  sand  in  tins.  They  arranged  the  cakes 
in  rows  on  the  board.  One  little  girl  said  she  had  a 
store  and  called  to  some  other  children  to  come  and 
buy  some  of  her  cakes.  A  boy  who  was  building  an 
elaborate  house  of  blocks  came  over  to  buy;  then  he 
went  bark  to  his  building  again.  The  play  leader 
suggested  that  he  might  telephone  for  the  cakes  next 
time,  since  he  was  so  busy.     He  looked  pleased  and 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  329 

quickly  grasped  the  necessity  of  putting  up  a  telephone 
system  between  his  house  and  the  bakery.  He  found 
two  sticks  which  served  as  poles,  and  some  string 
which  he  used  for  the  wires.  It  proved  great  fun  to 
shout  out  his  orders;  so  much  so  that  a  group  of  older 
boys  and  girls  gathered  around  the  sand  pile  to  set  to 
work  building  similar  houses  and  telephones.  This 
led  to  more  telephoning,  which  kept  the  girl  in  the 
bakery  so  busy  that  she  called  on  another  girl  to  bake 
cakes  while  she  answered  the  telephone.  A  small  boy 
offered  to  deliver  the  cakes;  this  necessitated  his 
building  roads  between  the  houses.  When  he  had 
laid  out  a  complete  line  of  roads,  he  took  an  oblong 
block  for  a  wagon  and  pushed  it  around  from  house  to 
house,  leaving  a  cake  at  each  house  where  a  cake  had 
been  ordered.  This  play  continued  nearly  all  of  one 
afternoon. 

Schenley  Park.  Lewis  Playground.  —  One  day  a 
group  of  boys  laid  out  Schenley  Park  in  the  sand; 
Carnegie  Library  and  Phipps  Conservatory  were 
constructed  of  blocks  and  ^somewhat  resembled  these 
buildings.  Another  group  of  boys  made  a  train  shed ; 
tracks  were  laid  out  and  a  train  constructed  of  blocks 
was  pushed  along  the  tracks  and  under  the  tunnels. 

Burying  Play.  Lewis  Playground.  —  A  group  of 
boys  had  great  fun  all  one  afternoon,  burying  each 
other,  all  but  their  heads,  in  the  sand. 

Caves.  Sullivan  Playground.  —  Some  boys  from 
ten  to  twelve  years  of  age  became  much  interested  in 
making  caves.  As  they  gained  experience  in  sur- 
mounting the  obstacles  of  construction,  the  caves  grew 
larger  and  more  substantial.     One  day  all  the  older 


330        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

children  joined  in  making  one  large  cave.  They  used 
blocks  to  strengthen  the  walls,  cementing  them  together 
with  sand.  They  called  this  cave  a  fort  and  selected 
soldiers  to  act  as  guards.  The  smaller  children 
wanted  to  crawl  into  the  fort,  but  were  not  permitted 
to  do  so  by  the  guards.  These  little  ones  then  made 
forts  of  their  own.  building  a  deep  trench  between 
their  forts  and  the  big  one. 

Park.  Mt.  Washington  School  Playground.  —  An 
elaborate  city  park  was  made,  also  a  street  car  line. 
Lights  were  put  up  all  along  the  car  track;  string  was 
used  as  overhead  wire  for  the  street  cars. 

Tunnels,  Bridges,  and  Ponds.  Washington  Park. — 
About  a  dozen  children  were  playing  in  the  sand; 
some  made  tunnels,  bridges,  and  houses;  others  buried 
pails  in  the  sand  to  represent  ponds  and  watering 
troughs.  This  suggested  bringing  animals  to  drink. 
and  the  rubberoid  animals  were  taken  to  drink.  The 
children  decided  that  these  animals  must  have  a  place 
to  live;  so  large  stables  were  built  in  the  sand.  The 
stables  were  soon  full  of  occupants. 

Parks.  National  Tube  Company  Playground.  - 
All  the  younger  children  worked  together  to  make  a 
park  in  the  sand.  They  laid  out  walks,  circular  and 
straight,  and  designed  flower  beds  of  various  shapes. 
For  flowers  they  twisted  up  bits  of  brightly  colored 
tissue  paper,  for  trees  they  set  out  twigs  and  small 
branches.  The  swings  they  constructed  by  fastening 
a  crosspiece  to  two  upright  sticks  and  suspending 
rope  swings  from  the  crosspiece.  In  these  swings  they 
placed  dolls  (lit  from  manila  paper.  The  play 
leader  cut  a  ring  of  dolls  hand  in  hand.      This  pleased 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  33 1 

the  children  very  much;  they  said  the  dolls  were 
playing  "  Ring  Around  the  Rosy."  After  the  children 
had  given  the  dolls  a  swing  they  decided  to  make  a 
roller  coaster.  This  was  modeled  out  of  sand,  a  spool 
box  serving  as  a  car.  Then  the  dolls  were  taken  the 
round  of  the  park,  some  to  swing,  some  to  ride  on  the 
roller  coaster,  and  some  to  look  at  the  flowers. 

Park  Attractions.  Andrews  School  Playground.  — 
A  group  of  girls  molded  the  Old  Mill  of  Kennywood 
Park,  also  the  roller  coaster.  The  last  was  elaborately 
represented  with  a  double  track  leading  down  slopes 
and  hollows.  For  many  days  different  groups  of 
children  worked  out  this  scene  in  various  ways,  adding 
a  lake,  cafe,  and  other  details.  One  day  two  leaden 
Indians  were  placed  on  the  crest  of  the  slope  to  act  as 
spies.     This  changed  the  entire  character  of  the  play. 

Circus.  Arsenal  Park.  —  Some  of  the  children  had 
been  to  a  circus.  They  wanted  to  cut  out  animals, 
so  the  play  leader  brought  patterns  and  let  them  trace 
and  cut  tigers,  elephants,  bears,  lions,  and  giraffes 
from  rubberoid  roofing.  The  next  day  the  children 
brought  boxes  of  various  sizes  and  made  cages  for  the 
different  animals  by  cutting  slits  along  the  edge  of  the 
top  and  bottom  of  each  box  and  running  wooden  slats 
through  the  slits.  They  put  each  animal  in  a  suitable 
cage  and  then  surveyed  the  results.  The  outdoor 
sand  box  was  decided  by  all  to  be  the  best  circus  field. 
The  children  carried  the  cages  there  and  arranged 
them  to  face  out  along  the  four  sides  of  the  box.  One 
child  opened  a  ticket  office.  Any  child  purchasing 
a  ticket  was  allowed  to  walk  around  the  circus  field  to 
see  the  animals. 


332        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Forts.  Washington  Park.  The  children  made  a 
big  fort  in  the  sand.  They  built  the  fort  with  oblong 
blocks  and  fortified  its  Inside  walls  with  sand  shovels. 
Pieces  of  lath  formed  a  barricade,  beneath  which  they 
dug  a  ditch.  This  was  done  by  a  few  boys,  who,  in 
order  to  complete  their  fort,  took  the  blocks  away 
from  the  smaller  boys.  These  smaller  boys  organized 
themselves  into  a  band,  built  a  sand  fort,  and  had  a 
battle  with  the  older  boys,  getting  some  of  their 
blocks  back  again. 

Forts.  Arsenal  Park.  —  Several  boys  became  inter- 
ested in  making  long  mountain  ranges  with  tunnels 
penetrating  lengthwise  and  crosswise;  then  they  built 
forts.  One  large  fort  was  hexagonal  in  shape;  the 
boys  called  it  Fort  Duquesne.  Another  was  oblong, 
modelled  from  the  Arsenal  Park  House;  it  was  called 
Fort  Shelby  after  the  commander,  who  rode  around 
the  park  and  stopped  every  day  to  watch  the  children. 
Flags  waved  from  these  forts;  fine  roadways  led  up  to 
them,  and  earthen  breastworks  protected  them. 
Towers  of  blocks  served  as  lookout  stations  for 
sentinels.  Ends  of  old  window  shades  wire  rolled 
up  to  represent  cannon  and  were  placed  in  the  lookout 
holes  along  the  sides  of  both  forts.  Near  by,  the  boys 
set  up  an  Indian  camp;  the  wigwams  were  made  ol 
rag  paper.  A  general  war  followed  between  the  paper 
soldiers  and  Indians. 

Pike's  Peak.  Andrews  School  Playground.  The 
children  made  an  enormous  hill  which  they  called 
Pike's  Peak.  A  car  line  was  built  around  it  and 
passenger-*  were  taken  up  to  see  the  sights. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  333 

Soldiers'  Camp.  Lawrence  Park.  —  A  high  hill,  at 
the  bottom  of  which  stood  a  row  of  tents  surrounded 
by  a  sand  wall,  was  the  soldiers'  encampment.  Some 
little  girls  opened  a  bakery  and  sold  pies  to  the  soldiers, 
receiving  paper  money  in  return.  At  another  store 
some  girls  sold  paper  badges,  tents,  and  soldier  caps 
they  had  made. 

War  between  Indians  and  English.  Andrews 
School  Playground.  —  The  English  forts  were  built  of 
blocks  and  fortified  with  cannon.  The  soldiers  took 
daily  gallops  astride  brooms.  The  Indian  village  was 
in  the  sand  pile;  the  Indian  wigwams  were  made  of 
brooms  arranged  in  tent  shape  and  covered  with 
brown  paper.  A  wooden  box  was  the  Indian  canoe;  a 
broom,  their  paddle.  Every  day  one  of  the  English 
soldiers  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  after  the  mail. 
One  day  be  brought  back  a  piece  of  wood  on  which  the 
Indians  had  written  a  declaration  of  war.  Both  sides 
prepared  for  war.  The  Indians  won  the  first  battle, 
the  English  the  second.  Both  sides  seemed  willing  to 
take  turns  at  losing. 

Houses,  Forts,  and  Airplanes.  Lewis  Playground. — 
Some  girls  built  rows  of  houses,  surrounding  each 
house  with  a  picket  fence  made  of  sticks.  The  boys 
made  elaborate  forts  with  flags  flying  from  the 
summits;  paths  led  from  the  forts  in  all  directions; 
paper  soldiers  stood  at  the  lookout  posts  and  other 
soldiers  appeared  to  be  ready  to  fire  paper  cannon. 
A  group  of  boys  suggested  that  an  airplane  was  needed; 
so  one  was  made  to  fly  about  the  forts  to  afford  pro- 
tection from  the  enemy. 


334        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Outline  Pictures  in  the  Sand.  Lewis  Playground.  — 
Alter  a  rain  which  left  the  sand  hard  and  moist  the 
children  started  to  draw  pictures.  First  they  patted 
and  pounded  the  sand  into  a  smooth,  slate-like  surface. 
They  drew  outlines  of  houses,  barns,  trees,  flowers, 
chickens,  coops,  hens,  and  pigs.  One  child  drew  a 
flag.  Another  child  laid  out  a  rough  but  good  map  of 
Pittsburgh,  with  the  two  rivers  coming  together  at  the 
point  near  the  block  house  and  with  Penn  Avenue 
running  fairly  parallel  with  the  Allegheny  River  and 
Second  Avenue  with  the  Monongahela. 

Goldilocks  and  the  Three  Bears.  Wickersham 
Playground.  -  Some  little  girls  made  a  park  showing 
a  lake  with  a  few  paper  boats  sailing  on  it.  Flowers 
were  made  by  pinching  sand  between  the  fingers. 
The  flowers  suggested  the  story  of  Goldilocks  and  the 
Three  Bears.  "Here  she  was  lost  while  picking 
flowers,"  they  said.  The  park  became  the  woods 
where  the  three  bears  took  their  daily  walk.  A 
house  was  built  of  sand  and  Goldilocks'  experiences 
in  the  three  bears'  home  were  played  out  most 
realistically. 

Washington  Crossing  the  Delaware.  Arsenal  Park 
Playground.  -  The  children  had  enjoyed  working 
out  a  large  puzzle  representing  the  famous  picture  of 
Washington  Crossing  the  Delaware.  One  day  when 
playing  in  the  sand,  a  boy  made  a  boat  out  of  sand 
and  assembled  on  its  decks  guns  (clothespins)  and 
paper  soldiers.  Other  children  became  interested  and 
offered  to  build  forts  along  the  shore;  these  were  very 
carefully  built  forts  guarded  by  soldiers  -md  guns  and 
connected    with  the  shore  by  means  of  drawbridges. 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  335 

A  deep  trench  surrounded  the  fort.  The  sand  was  left 
loose  and  rough  to  represent  ice.  The  picture  when 
completed  pleased  the  children  very  much. 

A  Battlefield  in  the  Sand  Pile.  Adams  Market 
Playground. l  —  It  was  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
beginning  of  a  bright  summer  day.  We  were  in  the 
heart  of  a  congested  business  district  in  Pittsburgh, 
where  every  inch  of  space  is  occupied,  save  a  narrow 
lot  granted  by  the  city  as  a  breathing  spot  for  the 
children  living  in  the  crowded  thoroughfares  and 
alleys  of  this  district. 

From  all  sides  the  children  came  flocking  in,  some 
happy  and  buoyant,  others  sullen  and  ill-tempered; 
yet  all  eager  to  play.  I  decided  to  wait  and  utilize 
any  interest  that  might  spring  up.  The  toys,  buckets, 
shovels,  and  other  play  materials  were  brought  out; 
as  usual,  the  sand  pile  attracted  the  greatest  number 
of  children,  who  were  scattered  in  loose  groups  over 
the  field.  "Let's  build  a  fort,"  was  the  proposal  of 
some  boys.  At  once  all  became  interested.  In  a 
minute  the  sand  pile  was  cleared  of  pails,  shovels,  and 
babies  and  the  blocks  were  carried,  wheeled,  and  flung 
upon  the  field  of  operation.  The  boys  divided 
themselves  into  two  groups,  one  taking  charge  of  the 
building  of  the  fort,  the  other  establishing  some  sort 
of  arsenal  or  workshop  where  the  equipment  of  the 
fort  and  the  camp  ground  was  planned  and  carried 
out.  A  strong  and  substantial  fort  was  built  of 
wooden  blocks  with  windows  just  big  enough  to 
permit  the  sending  of  bullets  and  cannon-balls.     At 

1  This  play  was  supervised,  recorded,  and  contributed  in  the  present 
form  by  Mrs.  Hermine  A.  Johnson. 


336        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

one  side  a  flower  garden  was  laid  out  and  enclosed 
by  a  fence  made  of  clothespins.  A  deep  ditch, 
spanned  with  several  bridges,  divided  the  sand  pile 
along  its  whole  length  into  two  parts.  The  boys 
were  working  on  both  sides,  adding,  improving,  and 
changing  according  to  their  ideas. 

So  far  everything  went  smoothly  and  no  thought  of 
using  the  encampment  as  a  battlefield  entered  the 
boys'  minds.  Yet  war  was  close  at  hand.  Some  ditch 
diggers  had  come  into  too  close  contact  with  a  group 
of  other  boys  who  were  making  a  fort  on  the  other  side 
and  the  two  sides  began  to  quarrel  about  the  territory. 
The  clashing  of  shovels  and  words  called  me  to  their 
side  and  I  overheard  two  boys  saying  to  each  other, 
"They  are  British;  let's  beat  them."  In  a  minute  the 
sand  pile  became  the  scene  of  feverish  activity.  Two 
hostile  battlefields  were  forming —  here  the  Americans, 
there  the  British.  The  spirit  of  '76  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  sand  pile  and  the  Revolutionary  War 
was  to  be  lived  over  again.  Most  strenuous  efforts 
of  attack  and  defense  were  made  on  both  sides;  in- 
trenchments  were  thrown  up  and  barricades  built. 
It  was  very  evident  that  the  enthusiasm  of  the  English 
side  did  not  keep  pace  with  that  on  the  American 
side  and  by  and  by  the  majority  had  left  the  British 
forces.  I  asked  the  boys  if  they  thought  it  fair  to 
desert  their  posts,  but  they  declared  the  English  must 
not  be  strong,  "for  we  are  going  to  beat  them." 
Meanwhile  the  workers  in  the  arsenal  had  not  been 
idle.  Tents,  flags,  and  cannon  were  constructed  and 
Miit  out  to  their  place  of  destination.  When  the 
tents  appeared  they  were  objected  to.      "They  are  no 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN   THE   EARTH  337 

good,"  the  boys  said.  "They  are  Indian  tents." 
The  defect  was  soon  remedied  by  placing  an  American 
flag  on  top;  the  tents  then  met  the  approval  of  the 
critics.  These  tents  were  placed  in  rows  of  five ;  flags 
were  arranged  on  the  grounds  of  both  British  and 
Americans ;  yet  the  boys  were  careful  to  keep  the  best 
on  the  American  side,  while  the  ones  of  inferior  grade 
were  shipped  to  the  British.  The  cannon  were  con- 
structions of  some  ingenuity;  a  cylindrical  box,  two 
milk-bottle  tops  (for  wheels),  and  a  meat  skewer  put 
together  made  quite  a  realistic  cannon  of  the  primitive 
type.  The  boys  stationed  one  cannon  upon  the 
highest  point  of  defense;  at  once  the  necessity  of  a 
soldier  behind  the  cannon  was  keenly  felt  and  word 
was  sent  to  the  workshop  to  produce  such  a  soldier. 
In  response  a  paper  soldier  was  cut  out  and  brought 
over,  but  he  stood  so  weakly  on  his  feet  and  looked  so 
little  the  part  of  a  man  of  strength  and  courage  that 
he  was  scornfully  rejected  and  soon  disappeared. 
Then  some  bright  boy  ran  to  the  flower  garden  and 
came  back  with  a  clothespin,  which  he  planted  beside 
the  cannon.  This  soldier  at  least  had  the  qualities  of 
strength  and  steadfastness,  but  he  could  make  nobody 
believe  he  was  anything  but  a  clothespin.  So  he 
had  to  go  to  the  arsenal  for  transformation,  and 
transformed  he  was  when  he  came  back,  on  his  head 
the  typical  George  Washington  hat  and  in  his  arms  a 
gun  which  pointed  directly  toward  the  camp  of  the 
British.  In  a  moment  all  the  clothespin  fence  rails 
were  unearthed  and  transformed  into  an  army  of 
warriors,  or  rather  into  two  armies,  for  some  regiments 
were  sent  over  to  the  British  side.     The  two  armies 


338        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

were  easily  distinguishable  by  their  differently  colored 
caps;  the  Americans  wore  blue,  the  other  side  white 
caps.  Meanwhile  other  work  had  been  going  on  in 
both  camps.  A  big  Union  Jack  was  hoisted  on  top 
of  the  British  fort  and  smaller  flags,  targets,  and 
signal  boards  were  distributed  everywhere.  Both 
sides  now  were  swarming  with  soldiers  armed  with 
guns  and  carrying  flags.  The  intensity  of  the  play 
began  to  reach  a  climax,  new  ideas  springing  up  in 
close  succession.  "Here  comes  the  Doctor,"  shouted 
a  youngster  bringing  in  a  clothespin  soldier  on  whose 
breast  was  plastered  a  red  cross.  "Watch  the 
ambulance,"  was  the  next  announcement;  and  in 
came  a  vehicle  constructed  of  an  oblong  box  with  four 
wheels  of  milk-bottle  tops,  each  side  decorated  with  a 
red  cross.  The  ambulance  was  placed  by  the  side  of 
the  surgeon.  As  my  idea  of  how  a  battlefield  should 
be  run  was  rather  vague,  the  boys  had  often  to 
explain  what  it  all  meant.  "Here  is  a  soldier  with  a 
white  cap  in  the  American  camp.  Why  don't  you 
keep  him  where  he  belongs?"  I  criticized.  "Why,  he 
is  a  captive,"  I  was  told.  "And  these  soldiers 
haven't  any  caps  on  their  heads  at  all."  I  objected. 
"They're  shot  off,"  was  the  prompt  reply.  Near  the 
British  fort  I  found  a  bridge,  with  two  white-capped 
soldiers  standing  on  top  and  two  blue-capped  ones 
underneath.  "What  are  these  Americans  doing  here 
under  the  bridge?"  1  asked.  "They  are  —  they 
are  —  what  you  call  those  men  who  sneak  around  to 
find  out  about  the  enemy?"  "Spies,"  I  helped  out. 
"  Yrs,  yes!  They  arc  spies.  Do  you  see  them 
hiding  under  the  bridge?     They  can  hear  every  word 


SPONTANEOUS   PLAY   IN    THE   EARTH  339 

the  British  say."  In  a  corner  near  the  American  side 
I  came  across  a  small  building  with  something  looking 
like  a  steeple.  "What's  this"?  I  asked.  "That's  the 
church  Paul  Revere  rode  away  from,"  said  my  in- 
formant. "And  this  man  here,  what  is  he  doing 
down  here  in  the  ditch?"  "  It's  George  Washington 
crossing  the  Delaware." 

"Come  over  here,"  said  another  boy.  "I  am 
building  Independence  Hall,  but  I  don't  know  where 
to  get  the  bell."  I  walked  over  to  the  venerable 
structure.  "I  will  try  to  get  one,"  I  promised.  But 
Liberty  Bell  was  not  to  ring  for  us  on  the  playground ; 
in  its  stead  all  the  noon  whistles  began  to  blow, 
calling  the  boys  to  dinner  and  thus  causing  an  inter- 
ruption in  our  work.  "Don't  let  us  break  the  fort 
up;  save  it  all  till  this  afternoon,"  was  the  general 
request.  Two  or  three  boys  volunteered  to  watch 
until  the  others  came  back  to  take  their  places. 

When  we  returned  that  afternoon  we  found  the 
camp  ground  untouched,  except  that  some  little 
vandals  had  thrown  a  handful  of  oats  among  the 
tents.  I  asked  the  boys  to  pick  up  the  oats;  unfor- 
tunately this  request  was  misunderstood  and  the 
boys  took  it  as  a  signal  for  a  general  breaking  up. 
In  a  minute  sticks  and  stones  were  hailing  down  upon 
the  battlefield,  smashing  indiscriminately  the  British 
and  the  American,  sparing  neither  friend  nor  foe, 
neither  the  doctor  beside  the  ambulance  nor  George 
Washington  in  the  ditch.  In  less  than  a  minute  the 
work  of  three  hours  was  undone,  destroyed  with  the 
same  zest  and  exultation  with  which  it  was  created, 
and   the   boys  who  were   the  leaders  and   the   main 


340        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

workers  were  the  first  to  tear  down  the  labor  of  their 
own  hands.  I  was  stunned  and  perplexed  for  a 
moment;  then  I  understood.  During  the  whole 
morning  the  boys'  activity  was  directed  towards  the 
one  goal  —  the  making  of  a  battlefield.  So  far  their 
work  had  been  constructive,  well  planned,  preparatory 
for  things  to  come.  This  was  one  phase  of  their  play. 
Now  the  other  part  had  to  come,  for  war  means  de- 
struction, annihilation,  lawlessness.  All  the  morning 
this  spirit  of  war  had  been  lurking  in  their  conscious- 
ness, ready  to  break  forth  as  soon  as  the  intensity  of 
their  work  would  relax.  So,  long  suppressed,  it  now 
broke  forth  with  a  vengeance,  sweeping  everything 
within  its  reach.  The  battle  had  to  come,  and  here 
it  was. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

Spontaneous  Play  with  Fire  and  Water 

Fire  as  Known  Through  Myths.  —  The  fire  myths 
of  many  races  indicate  the  almost  universal  use  of 
fire  long  before  the  annals  of  history.  In  myth 
generally  fire  is  regarded  as  a  living  thing.  "As, 
with  primitive  man,  hunger  and  thirst  are  the  natural 
enemies  of  his  existence,  and  his  chief  source  of  misery 
or  happiness,  fire,  food,  and  water  became  some  of 
his  earliest  gods.  *  *  *  Fire  especially  comes  to 
take  a  principal  part  in  his  life,  though  water  worship 
seems  to  have  preceded  that  of  fire.  *  *  *  Besides 
warming  him  and  giving  him  light  at  night,  fire  made 
his  food  taste  better  and  digest  easier.  *  *  *  The 
mysterious  nature  of  the  blazing  fire,  its  apparently 
spontaneous  creation,  its  decomposing  power  and 
perpetual  self-motion,  place  it  far  above  the  other 
elements  or  natural  forces  as  an  object  of  his  venera- 
tion and  awe.  Thus  primitive  man  was  a  fire-using, 
fire-worshipping  animal."  1 

The  Fire  Playing  Propensity.  -  -  The  conquest  of 
fire,  the  power  to  understand  its  significance  in  the 
life  of  man,  took  centuries  to  accomplish.  To-day, 
however,  the  mind  and  hand  of  man  utilize  fire  in 
industries  and  commerce.  Its  uses  are  so  complex 
that  the  average  child  has  few  opportunities  to  see  its 

1  C.  E.  Brown  and  G.  S.  Hall:  "Children's  Ideas  of  Fire,  Heat, 
Frost  and  Cold,"  Pedagogical  Seminary,  Vol.  X,  p.  28. 

341 


342        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED   PLAY 

possibilities.  Yet  although  he  does  not  understand 
the  significance  of  fire  in  modern  industrial  life,  lire 
appeals  to  the  child.  It  is  difficult  to  analyze  its 
charm.  Building  bonfires,  brandishing  fire-brands, 
and  setting  off  firecrackers  are  pleasurable  activities 
because  of  the  fun  of  doing  something  and  having 
things  happen  as  a  result.  Enjoyment  in  watching 
fire  seems  to  be  due  to  aesthetic  appreciation  of  color 
and  form.  Such  plays  of  visualization,  however,  do 
not  belong  in  the  same  category  with  plays  involving 
active  experimentation  with  tire. 

Is  the  Fire-playing  Propensity  Ingrained  in  Original 
Nature?  —  Of  course  there  are  theorists  who  persist  in 
explaining  all  natural  propensities  through  recapitula- 
tion. To  the  writer  it  seems  much  simpler  to  account 
for  the  child's  special  interest  in  fire  through  pleasure 
in  manipulation  and  experimentation,  allowing  for 
the  special  attraction  of  unusual  and  startling  effects. 
Anyone  who  has  been  constantly  among  children 
knows  that  the  chief  enjoyment  of  a  bonfire  is  in 
touching  it  off  and  seeing  the  results;  the  same  may  be 
said  of  the  universal  interest  in  striking  matches, 
shooting  off  firecrackers,  and  lighting  pin-wheels. 
In  the  last  three  examples,  noise  and  illumination 
make  the  results  startling  and  spectacular. 

Fire-playing  Common  to  Both  Country  and  City 
Children.  —  Country  children  play  more  freely  with 
fire  than  city  children,  because  there  are  fewer  restric- 
tions. In  winter,  the  country  child  revels  in  the  open 
fireplace.  It  is  the  center  of  domestic  activities. 
Children  gather  in  the  wood,  feed  the  flames,  and  soon 
learn  to  discriminate  between  woods  that  burn  quickly 


PLAY  WITH   FIRE   AND  WATER  343 

and  those  that  do  not.  Here  the  family  group  gather 
for  warmth  and  comfort,  pop  corn,  sew,  talk,  and 
think.  When  the  great  logs  burn  brightly,  the 
shadows  become  bears  and  tigers  as  fancy  supplies 
shape  and  contour.  In  summer  the  brush  is  piled 
high  in  the  fields  or  woods  and  children's  eager  hands 
feed  the  fire,  while  their  eyes  delight  in  the  pictures 
the  leaping  flames  make  against  the  dark  sky. 
Country  children  are  taught  to  fear  fire  because  of  the 
disastrous  results.  Such  plays  as  those  mentioned 
above  are  invariably  neighborhood  affairs  and  are 
carefully  supervised  by  adults. 

The  city  usually  prohibits  bonfires  except  at  certain 
distances  from  buildings.  Yet  wherever  there  are 
bonfires,  children  swarm  like  busy  bees,  gathering 
leaves  or  loose  pieces  of  wood  and  paper  to  feed  the 
hungry  flames  as  fast  as  the  fire  can  devour  them.  At 
certain  times  during  the  late  summer  and  fall  one  sees 
children  congregated  around  such  bonfires,  laughing, 
exclaiming,  and,  unless  prevented  from  so  doing., 
running  hither  and  thither  brandishing  firebrands. 
In  one  neighborhood  with  which  the  writer  was 
familiar  the  boys  came  often  to  the  houses,  collecting 
papers  to  burn  in  sand  ovens.  Some  of  these  ovens 
were  well  constructed  with  good  draughts,  showing 
that  the  youthful  builders  had  gained  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  principles  of  combustion  and  their 
application  to  heating  apparatus. 

Boys  Show  a  Greater  Propensity  for  Fire-playing 
than  Girls.  —  The  Camp-fire  Girls'  organizations 
utilize  active  experimentation  with  fire  as  well  as 
emphasizing  its  symbolic  characteristics.     The   Boy 


344       SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Scouts'  work  also  gives  opportunity  for  legitimate 
contact  with  such  elemental  forces  as  fire  and  water. 
The  hoys  learn  to  make  tire  without  matches,  to  cook 
over  the  campfire,  and  to  perform  a  series  of  acts 
which  are  equally  useful  and  enjoyable. 

Much  additional  light  is  thrown  on  children's 
delight  in  hre-playing  through  the  following  excerpts 
from  a  study  of  "Children's  Ideas  of  Fire,  Heat, 
Frost,  and  Cold,"  by  C.  E.  Browne  and  G.  S.  Hall.1 
In  this  study,  148  returns  to  questions  concerning  the 
fire-playing  propensity  were  received,  103  were  from 
boys  and  45  from  girls.  'The  average  age  of  the 
boys  was  6.5;  of  the  girls  6.7.  From  71  cases  noted 
in  the  reminiscent  returns,  as  directly  observed  by  the 
writers,  there  were  36  boys  and  35  girls.  Of  the  boys, 
52  per  cent  played  with  tire;  47  per  cent  did  not. 
Of  the  girls,  34  per  cent  played,  66  per  cent  did  not." 
It  thus  seems  apparent  that  boys  are  more  attracted 
by  fire  than  are  girls,  although  the  interest  seems 
strong  with  both. 

Various  Ways  of  Playing  with  Fire.  —  "The  delight 
in  fire-playing  shows  itself  most  commonly  in  building 
bonfires,  24  per  cent  of  all  the  instances.  The  next 
most  commonly  reported  is  that  of  -winging  around' 
or  rotating  about  the  vertical  axis  with  burning  sticks 
or  papers  in  the  hands,  16  per  cent.  Then,  in  order, 
follow:  Putting  of  sticks,  straws,  and  other  com- 
bustibles into  the  fire  to  see  them  burn,  12  per  cent; 
building  tires  in  houses  and  other  buildings,  8  per  cent  ; 
setting  buildings  on  fire  7  per  cent;  setting  curtains, 
bedding,  and  carpets  on  fire,  3  per  cent;  building  fires 

1  See  Pedagogical  Seminary,  Vol.  X.  pp.  39-41. 


PLAY  WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER  345 

for  baking  or  roasting,  also  in  pans  and  cans,  each  2 
per  cent,  etc.  In  14  per  cent  of  these  cases  among 
the  boys,  and  4  per  cent  among  the  girls,  the  building 
of  fires  was  accompanied  by  other  activities,  as 
running,  jumping,  whirling  the  fire  around,  and 
yelling.  Interesting  analogies  are  found  in  many 
fantastic  dances  and  orgies  of  the  North  American 
Indians  about  their  campfires."  A  consideration  of 
the  distribution  of  interest  in  the  various  kinds  of  fire 
experimentation  mentioned  in  this  study  seems  to 
bear  out  the  author's  viewpoint  that  active  experi- 
mentation, doing  something  which  brings  novel  and 
startling  results,  accounts  for  the  greatest  appeal  fire 
makes  to  children. 

Serious  Aspects  of  Fire  Play.  —  The  returns  also 
emphasize  the  serious  aspects  of  fire  play.  Statistics 
show  that  more  children  are  burned  to  death  than 
perish  from  any  other  cause.  It  is  likely  that  their  in- 
terest in  experimenting  with  fire  grows  through  periods 
of  unprotected  and  unsupervised  play.  The  training 
in  caution  regarding  fire  should  begin  in  earliest  baby- 
hood and  continue  throughout  adolescence.  How  many 
of  the  cases  of  destructive  fire  play  cited  above  are  due 
to  carelessness  about  early  habits  in  connection  with 
fire  and  how  many  are  due  to  the  intensity  of  the  desire 
to  experiment  —  a  desire  so  strong  that  the  child  seeks 
in  unprotected  moments  to  find  out  how  fire  acts,  will 
never  be  known.  In  the  case  of  the  writer's  boy,  a 
chance  five  minutes  alone  was  utilized  to  burn  matches 
in  the  house.  "I  just  wanted  to  see  why  ashes  from 
paper  are  different  from  those  of  wood,"  said  this 
six-year-old  child.     Extreme  punishment  and  a  pro- 


346        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED   PLAY 

gressive  educational  program  seem  the  only  courses 
for  parents  to  pursue  in  regard  to  this  dangerous 
tendency  to  experiment.  The  sane  Fourth  of  July 
movement  is  doing  much  to  point  out  the  dangers 
involved  by  experimentation  with  fire  even  where 
fireworks  have  been  manufactured  in  accordance 
with  certain  statutes.  Spontaneous  experimentation 
with  fire  will  be  controlled  in  accordance  with  the 
measure  of  supervision  over  children's  play  and  with 
education  as  to  the  nature  of  inflammable  materials. 

Water  as  Known  through  Myths.  Some  early 
peoples  believed  water  to  be  the  origin  of  all  things, 
and  thought  all  plant  and  animal  life  either  came 
from  water  or  was  made  of  water.  As  Bolton1  says 
in  substance,  through  connection  with  plant  life, 
water  was  regarded  as  possessed  of  life-giving  power. 
People  living  in  countries  where  there  were  seasonal 
droughts  ascribed  to  water  the  power  of  a  super- 
natural being.  The  Egyptians  speak  of  the  "spirit 
of  water."  Thus,  among  various  peoples,  certain 
streams  and  lakes  were  set  apart  as  sacred;  rain  cere- 
monials were  tised  for  the  purpose  of  securing  rain; 
water  was  used  for  healing  and  purifying  purposes; 
offerings  accompanied  1>\  religious  ceremonies  were 
made  to  propitiate  the  "spirit  of  water"  in  wells  and 
streams,  and  holy  waters  have  often  been  places  of 
oracles  and  divinat  ions. 

Is  the  Tendency  to  Play  in  Water  Ingrained  in 
Original  Nature?  Several  writers  believe  that  a 
love  of  water  is  ingrained  in  original   nature  as  the 

1  F.  E.  Bolton:  "Hydro  Psychoses,"  American  Journal  of 
Psychology,  Vol.  X. 


PLAY  WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER  347 

result  of  man's  past  history.  For  example,  according 
to  Bolton,  as  quoted  by  Thorndike,  we  find  the 
following  theory:  "This  universal  love  for  water  seems 
not  to  be  due  to  experience  alone,  for  all  babes  exhibit 
it  in  their  earliest  days,  if  conditions  are  supplied. 
It  seems  partly  instinctive  and  of  more  than  recent 
philogenic  (sic)  origin,  and  at  least  suggests  a  survival 
of  the  old-time  life  in  an  aquatic  medium.  This  is 
not  demonstrable,  but  the  weight  of  all  testimony  is 
in  that  direction.  How  else  can  we  account  for  the 
passionate  desire  of  children  to  paddle,  to  splash,  ride 
on  rafts,  run  out  in  the  rain;  for  their  intense  delight 
in  swimming,  even  going  without  meals,  walking  long 
distances,  enduring  severe  punishments,  etc.,  just  for 
the  sake  of  being  in  the  water?  Many  of  these 
characteristics  are  exhibited  by  adults  when  the 
conventionalities  of  civilized  life  can  be  thrown  off."  x 

To  this  argument  Thorndike  answers:  "It  is,  in 
my  opinion,  probable  that  the  love  of  paddling, 
wading,  and  swimming  is  wholly  or  in  large  measure 
due  to  the  love  of  'doing  something  and  having 
something  happen  as  a  result,'  and  to  the  increased 
freedom  of  the  body  when  fewer  or  more  comfortable 
clothes  are  worn.  Water  is  enjoyed  in  large  measure 
for  the  same  reasons  that  a  sand  pile,  a  roomful  of 
toys,  or  a  gymnasium  is  enjoyed."  2 

The  writer's  observations  of  thousands  of  children 
in  spontaneous  play  with  water  have  led  her  to  accept 
Thorndike's  view  that  enjoyment  of  water  is  in  large 

1  E.  L.  Thorndike,  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Vol.  II,  p.  203. 

2  Ibid. 


348        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SITKRYISED   PLAY 

measure  due  to   the   love  of   "doing   something  and 
having  something  happen  as  a  result." 

How  Children  of  Different  Ages  Play  in  Water. 
It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  different  ways  in  which 
children  of  varying  ages  respond  to  water.  The 
child  of  three  is  satisfied  at  first  to  walk  slowly  and 
carefully  in  the  shallow  water,  enjoying  the  "feel"  of 
it  on  his  feet.  When  he  has  had  his  fill  of  this,  he 
begins  to  splash,  laughing  and  jumping  up  and  down 
in  glee  at  the  exhilaration  which  comes  from  this 
contact  with  the  cool,  resisting  water.  lie  takes  great 
delight  in  tilling  tin  buckets  with  water  and  emptying 
them  again  in  the  sand;  in  splashing  water  with  his 
hands,  or  in  pushing  floating  boards  hither  and 
thither  with  his  hands  and  feet.  But  to  the  child  of 
five  or  six  years,  this  is  tame  play  indeed.  Me  likes  to 
wade,  spash,  and  jump  in  the  deep  water;  to  run 
and  chase  the  other  children ;  to  throw  balls  and  ho<  >]  »s ; 
to  tug  at  boards  and  ropes  thrown  into  the  water; 
and  to  float  boats  and  craft  of  all  kinds.  The  child  ol 
seven  or  nine  years  likes  to  do  all  this  and  still  more. 
He  wants  to  do  things  that  appear  to  be  difficult  and 
dangerous;  he  is  constantly  daring  his  fellows  to 
perform  some  new  feat  —  to  jump  over  ropes,  to  skip 
pieces  of  wood  or  stones,  and  to  engage  in  such  games 
as  "Water  Tag,"  "Tug  of  War,"  and  "Find  the 
Coin." 

Rural  Life  Affords  Better  Opportunity  for  Water- 
play  than  Does  Urban  Life.  Most  children  who  live 
in  rural  communities  have  daily  contact  with  small 
lakes,  brooks,  and  creeks;  here  sand  and  water  presenl 
wonderful  opportunities  for  free  play  and  constructive 


PLAY   WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER 


349 


genius.  What  fun  to  walk  barefoot  along  the  hard 
sand  at  the  water's  edge;  to  dig  the  toes  deep  into  the 
wet  sand;  to  draw  pictures  on  the  sand  with  a  stick; 
to  make  deep  wells  and  watch  the  water  flow  in  and 
out  with  the  coming  and  going  of  the  waves;  and  to 


is 

^jrafe^  " 

*TU        ~4l 

' 

At  the  Seashore 


dig  deep  ditches  wide  enough  for  sailboats  to  ply  up 
and  down!  Or  what  joy  to  play  daily  in  the  little 
brook  near  home;  to  ford  the  narrow  places;  to  build 
dams  and  locks;  to  make  water  wheels  which  will 
turn  sand  mills  round  and  round ;  and  to  whittle  boats 
which  will  sail  majestically  along  the  banks!  Add  to 
this  the  fun  of  wading  on  and  on  indefinitely,  without 


350       SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

coming    to    the    end    of   anything,    and    the   country 
child's  joy  of  comradeship  with  water  is  complete. 

The  city  child,  though  far  removed  from  streams 
and  brooks,  yet  comes  early  into  contact  with  water. 
Children  invariably  play  with  faucets;  experimenting 


Children  Like  to  Play  at  the  Water's  Edge 


with  the  falling  water,  pouring  it  into  and  out  of 
kitchen  utensils,  and  producing  crude  waterfalls  and 
fountains  by  using  a  sieve  or  by  holding  a  hand  over 
the  faucet,  thus  splashing  the  water  aboul  the  room. 
They  like  to  use  the  garden  hose,  to  sprinkle  not  only 
the  grass  and  walks  bul  also  pedestrians  and  passing 
vehicles;  to  darl  in  and  under  the  water;  and  they 
shout  with  glee  when  permitted  to  don  a  bathing  suit 


352        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

and  test  the  force  of  the  water  on  the  feet,  back,  and 
chest. 

To  the  city  child  the  streets  and  gutters  on  a  rainy 
day  afford  greal  delight.  School  children  splash 
merrily  through  puddles  and  small  boys  poke  with  a 
stick  along  the  curbings  and  gutters.  Wherever  there 
are  tubs  or  pails  filled  with  water  children  gather  about 
them,  for  they  delight  to  splash  stones  in  the  water, 
to  sail  boats,  to  till  tin  cans  with  water,  and,  if  per- 
mitted, to  throw  water  over  each  other's  heads. 
Most  civic  agencies  for  recreation  realize  the  appeal 
of  water  play,  and  provide  wading  pools,  swimming 
tanks,  and  shower  baths  in  the  recreation  parks  and 
playgrounds. 

The  Wading  Pool:  Its  Construction  and  Use. — 
Country  children  need  no  wading  pools,  for  in  most 
rural  communities  sandy  or  rocky  brooks,  creeks,  or 
streams  entice  children  back  to  prehistoric  amphibian 
contact  with  soil  and  water.  City  children  of 
twenty  years  ago,  if  not  fortunate  enough  to  live  near 
the  water,  were  deprived  of  much  pleasure  and 
profitable  experimentation.  But  to-day  most  cities 
have  playgrounds,  in  main-  of  which  is  a  wading  pool, 
that  blessed  substitute  for  the  pebbly  brook  and  the 
"old  swimming  hole."  Since  most  of  the  wading 
pools  are  circular  in  shape,  with  a  drain  in  the  center 
from  which  the  water  is  usually  emptied  each  day, 
permitting  scrubbing  of  the  cement  bottom,  there  is 
little  of  the  danger  of  contagion  from  sources  ol  in- 
fection which  make  stagnant  pools  a  constant  menace 
to  health.  However,  the  cold  cement  is  a  poor 
substitute  for  mud  or  sand.     Half  of  the  enjoymenl  ol 


PLAY   WITH   FIRE   AXD   WATER  353 

wading  comes  from  putting  bare  feet  down  in  soft, 
yielding  soil  and  at  the  same  time  reinforcing  the 
exhilaration  this  contact  affords  with  the  stimulating 
effect  of  cold  water  on  the  skin.  Then,  too,  the 
crowded  cement  wading  pool  gives  a  sense  of  physical 
limitation,  for  one's  movements  must  necessarily  come 
in  conflict  with  those  of  dozens  of  other  children  who 
have  equal  rights  to  enjoyment.  It  is  also  difficult  to 
get  the  same  enjoyment  one  experiences  in  roaming 
along  the  shores  of  a  lake  or  aimlessly  following  the 
course  of  a  brook.  Yet  there  is  the  stimulating 
contact  with  the  cool  water.  It  is  hard  to  explain  the 
emotional  contentment  that  contact  with  water  affords 
the  mind  and  body.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  some 
transformation  of  nerve  cells  occurs  and  that  there 
results  a  physical  relaxation,  a  sense  of  well-being, 
which  defies  analysis. 

One  advantage,  however,  inheres  in  the  circular  pool 
fifty  or  sixty  feet  in  diameter  as  compared  with 
brooks  and  creeks.  The  larger  area  is  shallow  and 
permits  even  very  young  children  some  means  of  being 
initiated  into  the  charm  of  contact  with  water,  while 
their  more  venturesome  brothers  and  sisters  play 
contentedly  near  the  center  of  the  pool.  Where  the 
pool  has  no  cement  bottom,  but  is  made  by  excavating 
the  soil,  and  where  the  water  is  occasionally  filtered 
away  through  a  drain  in  order  to  supply  fresh  water 
and  allow  the  rays  of  the  sun  to  disinfect  the  sandy 
bottom,  care  should  be  taken  that  the  children's 
mouths,  noses,  and  eyes  do  not  become  exposed  to  the 
water,  which  necessarily  contains  dust  and  carries 
infections.     The  feet  alone  are  not  liable -to  contagion 


354        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

except  from  skin  diseases,   which   are   uncommon  in 
early  childhood. 

Toys  and  Materials  Suitable  for  Play  in  Water.  — 
It  is  not  necessary  to  provide  elaborate  toys  for  chil- 
dren to  use  in  the  water.  Wherever  children  are 
found  playing  in  the  water,  they  are  observed  to  be 
using  toys  of  their  own  construction.      Bits  of  wood 


Photographed  for  the  Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Recreation 

The  Playground  Fleet 


become  boats  and  are  pushed  about  by  means  of 
sticks  or  are  guided  by  the  hands  of  the  children  them- 
selves. Boards  become  oars;  the  children  sit  down 
in  the  shallow  water  and  propel  themselves  by  means 
of  these  oars.  Cork  boats  are  among  the  most 
practicable  for  playground  use;  cork  reefs  and  corn- 
cob crafts,  though  more  difficult  to  construct,  can 
easily  be  made  by  children  from  seven  to  nine  years  of 
age.     Walnut  and  egg-shell  craft  and  the  tiny  peanut- 


PLAY   WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER  355 

shell  boats  furnish  children  genuine  amusement. 
They  are  fragile  and  difficult  to  handle,  and  are 
always  capsizing  at  unexpected  times;  yet  they  afford 
considerable  merriment.  When  children  are  old 
enough  to  handle  knives,  boats  may  be  whittled  out 
of  cigar  boxes;  a  mast,  a  sail,  or  cannon  can  convert 
these  boats  into  schooners,  men-of-war,  or  super- 
dreadnaughts. 

Fishing  plays  require  only  a  stick,  a  line,  and  a  bent 
pin.  The  children  sometimes  cut  fish  from  paper  or 
cardboard,  mount  a  steel  hook  through  the  fish,  and 
with  a  tiny  magnet  in  place  of  a  hook,  bait  and  catch 
the  fish,  which,  mounted  on  corks,  sail  about  on  the 
water.  These  floating  fish  are  infinitely  more  difficult 
to  catch  and  require  more  skill  than  is  demanded  to 
catch  the  stationary  ones  supplied  in  the  Magnetic 
Fish  Pond  game.  Water  wheels  of  various  kinds  are 
on  the  market,  but  left  to  himself  any  ingenious  child 
can  invent  one  and  learn  through  using  it  the  ele- 
mental facts  concerning  water  power. 

For  indoor  water  play  the  writer  has  made  suc- 
cessful use  of  galvanized-iron  trays  made  to  fit  any 
table  desired  and  furnished  with  a  drain  pipe  at  one 
end.  The  water  can  thus  be  emptied  easily  into 
pails.  This  does  away  with  the  necessity  of  emptying 
the  water  by  hand.  Duck  ponds  are  on  the  market; 
some  of  them  are  mere  mechanical  inventions  by  which 
ducks  and  swans  float  around  for  half  an  hour  or  until 
the  mechanism  runs  down.  Celluloid  fish,  ducks, 
and  swans  are  attractive  materials  to  add  to  the 
galvanized-iron  tray  mentioned  above.  They  are  more 
durable  than  the  floating  toys  which  children  them- 


356        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

selves  invent.  Seaplanes,  balloons,  and  other  aerial 
craft  enhance  the  pleasure  of  play  in  the  water. 
They  can  be  manipulated  by  strings  while  the  children 
wade  about,  and  the  seaplanes,  at  least,  can  be  made 
to  run  smoothly  over  the  water.  Hoops,  balls,  and 
long  boards  are  useful  materials  to  provide  for  simple 
plays  and  games  in  the  water. 

Records  of  Water  Plays 

1.  Wading  Pools.  Soho  Moultrie  Playground.  - 
Boys  banked  walls  of  sand  around  the  inner  ledge  "I 
the  sand  box  to  form  a  wading  pool.  They  then 
carried  buckets  of  water  from  a  neighbor's  pump  and 
filled  the  pool  with  water.  They  enjoyed  splashing 
in  the  muddy  water  with  their  bare  feet.  After  the 
fun  of  this  had  worn  off,  they  made  crude  boats  out  of 
pieces  of  wood  and  pushed  these  around  the  pool  by 
means  of  sticks. 

2.  Wading  Pool.  Junction  Hollow  Playground. 
The  children  went  occasionally  to  the  Ormsby  Park 
swimming  pool  and  were  always  planning  how  they 
could  have  one  of  their  own.  Every  time  the  super- 
visor appeared  they  told  her  of  some  new  way  in  which 
a  swimming  pool  could  be  built  on  their  playground. 
As  the  playground  was  located  in  a  small  valley 
underneath  a  railroad  bridge,  the  immediate  fulfill- 
ment of  their  hopes  did  not  seem  probable.  One  day, 
however,  they  discovered  how  to  make  a  pool  tor 
themselves.  A  small  natural  spring  was  in  the 
location  selected  tor  the  pool.  The  children  cleaned 
up  the  surrounding  ground  and  dug  a  pit  about  five 
feet  wide  around  the  spring;  this  soon  filled  up  with 


PLAY   WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER  357 

water  and  made  a  small  pond  in  which  they  could 
wade.  The  day  after  the  pool  was  finished,  a  mother 
brought  three  ducks  and  let  them  swim  in  the  pool; 
this  proved  a  great  delight  to  the  children. 

3.  "The  Old-Fashioned  Bucket."  Ormsby  Park.  — 
A  group  of  children  dug  a  well;  they  lined  it  with 
blocks  molded  together  with  damp  sand.  It  sug- 
gested pictures  of  the  "Old-Fashioned  Bucket."  The 
children  planned  a  frame  similar  to  the  one  they  had 
seen  in  the  pictures.  To  do  this  they  stood  two  sand 
shovels  upright  over  the  well  and  suspended  a  bucket 
tied  by  a  string  to  another  shovel  used  as  a  crosspiece. 
After  filling  the  well  with  water  the  children  took  turns 
lowering  the  bucket  and  bringing  it  up  full  of  water. 
This  play  lasted  several  days. 

4.  Ponds.  Arsenal  Park.  —  Ponds  were  made  by 
burying  pails  in  the  sand  and  filling  them  with  water. 
Turtles,  fish,  ducks,  and  frogs  were  cut  out  of  paper 
and  mounted  on  milk-bottle  tops.  The  children 
enjoyed  floating  these  in  the  water. 

5.  Flood.  Arsenal  Park.  —  One  day  a  group  of 
children  dug  a  deep  river  channel  in  the  sand,  filled  it 
with  water,  and  floated  boats  down  the  river.  They 
kept  pouring  in  more  water  until  the  river  overflowed 
and  flooded  the  banks;  then  they  knocked  down  the 
bridges  and  sank,  or  rescued,  the  boats. 

A  thrilling  dramatic  play,  constructive  in  purpose  yet  de- 
structive to  material. 

6.  New   York   Harbor.     Sullivan   Playground.  — 

Some  boys  had  seen  pictures  of  New  York  Harbor. 
They  planned  to  represent  it  in  the  sand.  They 
made  the  bay  and  harbor,  constructing  ferry  boats, 


358        SPONTANEOUS   AXD   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

steamers,  and  rowboats  to  put  in  the  harbor;  along 
the  banks  of  the  harbor  they  laid  out  parks  and 
palisades;  out  in  the  bay  they  added  islands,  forts,  and 
the  Statue  of  Liberty. 

7.  Sailing  Boats.  Ormsby  Park.  -  The  children 
tunneled  out  a  river  to  extend  around  the  four  sides  of 
the  sand  box,  filled  the  river  with  water,  and  construct- 
ed paper  boats  to  float  on  it.  These  boats  proving 
fragile,  the  children  got  some  large,  flat  corks,  and  with 
thumb  tacks  attached  paper  sails.  The  wind  was 
very  strong  and  blew  the  boats  here  and  there  on  the 
river. 

8.  Fishing.  Washington  Park  Playground.  —  In 
the  playroom  was  a  large  galvanized-iron  tray,  just 
the  size  of  the  kindergarten  tabic  which  it  was  made  to 
fit.  It  was  planned  especially  for  water  plays.  The 
children  converted  this  tray  into  a  fishing  pond. 
They  made  cardboard  fish  to  which  steel  rings  were 
attached.  With  an  improvised  pole  and  magnet 
they  caught  the  fish.  Sometimes  they  look  the  fish 
home  on  a  string  and  cooked  them  for  dinner;  at  other 
times  they  were  satisfied  to  catch  and  land  the  fish. 

9.  Boats  and  the  Carrying  Trade.  Washington 
Park.  -  During  a  heavy  rain,  the  outdoor  sand  pile 
became  flooded  with  water.  After  the  storm  had 
subsided  the  boys  dug  river  channels,  using  blocks  for 
wharves  and  setting  up  tall  buildings  along  the  river. 
Next  they  made  boats.  One  boy  put  a  few  sticks  in 
his  boat  and  said  he  was  loading  it  with  lumber.  Then 
all  the  boys  decided  to  have  freight  boats  carrying 
different  things.  They  loaded  the  boats  with  wood, 
stone,  and  sand,  going  from  dock  to  dock  to  dispose  of 


PLAY   WITH   FIRE   AND   WATER  359 

the  cargo.  Someone  suggested  having  a  trading  place ; 
so  a  number  of  stores  were  started,  some  for  lumber, 
some  for  stone,  and  others  for  sand.  The  girls  left 
their  house  plays  to  buy  at  the  stores;  some  interesting 
bartering  resulted. 

This  is  a  splendid  example  of  play  where  the  dramatic  goes 
hand  in  hand  with  constructive  interest.  The  accidental  sug- 
gestion of  a  lumber  cargo  started  the  chain  of  ideas  resulting  in  the 
dramatic  representation  of  the  carrying  trade. 

10.  Water  Carnival.  —  Minerva  Stern,  in  an  article 
entitled  "A  Water  Carnival,"  published  in  the 
January,  191 7,  number  of  The  Playground,  describes 
an  interesting  carnival  held  on  a  wading  pool.  Each 
child  came  bringing  his  own  boat,  and,  after  getting 
his  number,  waded  around  the  pool  until  the  judges 
had  made  their  decision.  Then  came  various  races  in 
which  the  boats  were  grouped  according  to  weight, 
size,  and  character.  Finally  the  winners  were  lined 
up  for  the  finals.  Another  race  was  run  for  balance; 
and  it  was  discovered  that  many  builders  had  failed  to 
balance  their  boats  carefully. 


PART  IV 

PLAYS  INVOLVING  MOVEMENT, 
IMPULSE,  AND  CURIOSITY 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

Visual  Exploration 

The  Field  of  This  Study  Denned.  —  Having  sur- 
veyed two  divisions  of  movement  play,  namely,  plays 
involving  gross  bodily  control  and  manipulation,  we 
shall  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  field  of  visual 
exploration,  our  third  division  of  movement  plays. 
Here  we  encounter  a  wealth  of  playful  experimentation 
connected  with  brightness,  color,  form,  and  perception 
of  movement.  Our  purpose  is  to  touch  upon  spon- 
taneous activities  which  reveal  the  scope  of  interest 
children  have  along  this  line  and  point  out  a  natural 
procedure  or  "method"  for  visual  education.  The 
importance  of  visual  education  has  long  been  recog- 
nized, but  its  scope  is  hardly  realized  at  the  present 
time.  A  magazine  called  Visual  Education  is  devoted 
to  the  publication  of  the  results  of  experimental  study 
in  this  field. 

The  Development  of  the  Eye  in  Childhood.  —  Any 
consideration  of  visual  education  brings  home  the 
important  fact  that  the  eye  in  early  childhood  is 
incompletely  developed,  underfocused,  and  poorly 
adapted  for  close  work.  But  as  the  body  approaches 
general  maturity,  the  eye  tends  to  become  emme- 
tropic. It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  eye,  like  the  other 
sense  organs  of  the  normal  child,  does  not  change 
percetibly  after  the  second  or  third  year.  How,  then, 
do  we  account  for  improvement  in  perception  of  bright- 

363 


364        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

ness,  color,  form,  and  movement?  It  is  through  the 
perfecting  of  new  I  train  associations.  For  example,  a 
one-year-old  child  sees  a  ball  as  something  to  mouth, 
handle,  drop,  and  roll.  He  also  associates  some 
degree  of  brightness  and  color  with  it,  but  later  he 
perfects  all  these  ideas  and  associates  new  ideas  with 
the  old  ones.  Sense  training  then,  so  far  as  the  eye  is 
concerned,  is  a  matter  of  making  brain  connections. 

The  Effect  of  Light,  Brightness,  and  Color  on  the 
Human  Eye.  --  The  human  longing  for  light  is  so 
strong  that  from  time  immemorial  we  have  used  light 
as  a  symbol  of  divinity,  a  fact  on  which  we  have  no 
time  to  dwell  except  to  note  the  significance  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  and  of  fire  in  religion. 

The  infant's  face  takes  on  a  satisfied  expression 
when  turned  toward  the  light.  In  the  second  and 
third  months  his  gaze  clings  to  bright  and  shining 
objects.  Differences  in  brightness  are  perceived  at 
about  six  months,  but  color  is  not  usually  perceived 
until  the  second  half  of  the  first  year.  In  the  writer's 
observations  of  her  son  she  noticed  that  although  his 
eyes  rested  with  pleasure  on  colored  bows  suspended 
nycr  hi-  crib  during  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  months, 
yet  he  gazed  with  almost  equal  satisfaction  at  yellow, 
blue,  and  red  bows,  at  candle  light,  or  at  a  pink 
afghan.  This  seems  to  indicate  that  degrees  of 
brightness  were  unperceived  by  him  until  about  the 
sixth  month. 

Most  authorities  agree  that  colors  are  not  perceived 
until  the  second  halt'  year.  The  consensus  of  opinion 
seems  to  be  that  most  children  display  more  interesl 
in  the  warm  colors,  red  and  yellow,  than  in  the-  colder 


VISUAL  EXPLORATION  365 

ones.  Blue  is  perceived  with  greater  difficulty  than 
red  and  yellow,  according  to  most  investigators. 
Preyer  says:  "The  inability  of  my  two-year-old  child' 
to  recognize  blue  and  gray  can  be  argued  not  only 
from  his  occasional  failure  to  do  so,  but  also  from  the 
evident  difficulty  he  encounters  in  connecting  the 
commonly  used  and  familiar  names  'blue'  and  'gray' 
with  any  special  sensations,  while  'yellow'  and  'red' 
were  correctly  applied  several  months  ago.  Were  the 
sensations  of  blue  and  gray  as  clear  as  are  red  and 
yellow,  there  would  be  no  failure  to  recognize  the 
colors."  1  In  the  case  of  the  writer's  son,  at  the  fifth 
year  gray  and  cold  blues  were  perceived  only  in  cases 
where  memory  associated  the  name  with  some  article 
of  clothing  or  a  favorite  toy.  Even  the  color-blind, 
as  Whipple  points  out,  learn  to  recognize  reds  and 
greens  by  means  of  secondary  criteria  such  as  bright- 
ness and  saturation  and  familiarity  with  the  applica- 
tion of  color  nomenclature.2  Hence  we  cannot  be 
sure  that  a  child  recognizes  colors  at  a  particular  time 
without  testing  with  a  large  number  of  colors  of  varied 
degrees  of  saturation  and  brightness.  Applying  this 
knowledge  to  this  child's  apparent  lack  of  perception 
of  blue  and  gray,  we  conclude  that  he  either  failed  to 
perceive  these  colors  or,  perceiving  them,  found  them 
less  attractive  than  the  brighter  hues ;  for  whenever  he 
was  asked  to  point  out  colors  in  a  sunset  he  invariably 
failed  to  mention  gray  or  any  blues  except  the  bright- 
est hues  of  blue. 

1  K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  p.  56. 

2  G.  M.  Whipple:  Mental  and  Physical  Tests,  p.  150. 


366        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

The  Young-Helmholtz  theory  assumes  that  primeval 
man  distinguished  only  the  three  primary  colors,  red, 
green,  and  violet.  From  these  were  derived  orange 
and  yellow,  while  blue  was  the  very  last  to  be  dis- 
covered.  Primitive  tribes  paint  their  bodies  and 
color  their  ornaments  almost  exclusively  with  the 
warm  colors.  The  cool  colors  are  seldom  seen  in 
primitive  ornamentation,  even  in  combination  with 
the  warm  colors.  With  savages  as  with  children  it  is 
safer  to  assume  that  the  cooler  colors  are  less  attrac- 
tive than  that  they  are  imperfectly  perceived.  Nature 
uses  them  profusely  and  civilized  homes  are  decorated 
largely  in  neutral  tints. 

Sex  Differences  in  Perception  of  Color.  -  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  boys  concern  themselves  less 
with  color  than  do  girls.  Groos  interprets  this  fact  to 
indicate  differences  in  training  rather  than  in  inborn 
capacity  and  points  to  the  fact  that  the  history  of 
painting  seems  to  show  that  the  masculine  sex  has  a 
finer  color  sense  than  the  feminine.1  He  fails,  how- 
ever, to  mention  the  important  parallel  that  the 
history  of  household  arts  shows  that  feminine  interest 
in  and  appreciation  of  color  extends  far  beyond  the 
masculine.  In  conclusion,  then,  it  appears  that  boys 
and  girls  have  few  differences  in  inborn  capacities  for 
color  discrimination,  but  that  their  attention  is  direct- 
ed to  different  fields. 

Perception  of  Space.  —  As  concerns  perception  of 
space,  without  entering  into  the  controversy  as  to 
whether  or  not  children  have  to  learn  by  practice  to 
respond    appropriately    to    distance,    we    may    safely 

1  K.  Groos:  The  Play  <>{  Man,  pp.  59-60. 


VISUAL  EXPLORATION  367 

conclude  that  space  perception  for  short  distances, 
aided  as  it  is  by  the  adjustments  of  the  hands  and 
eyes,  is  earlier  and  more  effectively  developed  than 
is  color  perception,  which  is  dependent  upon  the  eye 
alone. 

Children  get  their  first  ideas  of  form,  as  they  do  of 
space,  by  using  the  cooperative  results  of  the  hands, 
the  eyes,  and  the  kinesthetic  sensations.  The 
human  face,  the  first  oval,  is  at  first  to  the  child  a 
mere  patch  of  light  connected  with  the  comfort  of 
being  fed.  The  bottle  gives  early  impressions  of 
cylindrical  shape.  The  ball  registers  impressions  of 
sphericity  to  the  hands  closing  in  upon  it. 

Before  the  results  of  scientific  investigations  in 
perception  of  color  and  form  were  known,  the  early 
kindergarten  tried  to  teach  form  .through  type  shapes, 
namely,  the  ball,  cube,  and  cylinder.  A  child  was 
supposed,  somehow,  to  carry  over  a  knowledge  of 
these  three  forms  to  a  recognition  of  form  in  his  environ- 
ment. For  example,  he  was  asked  to  see  cylindrical 
characteristics  in  a  stove-pipe,  a  vase,  a  whistle,  or  an 
engine.  Procedure  of  this  kind  hindered  real  per- 
ception of  form.  It  is  more  important  that  a  child 
recognize  a  stove-pipe  as  such,  than  as  having  cylin- 
drical characteristics.  To  ask  a  child  to  see  a  cylinder 
in  a  stove-pipe  is  to  demand  that  he  eliminate  accuracy 
of  proportions  from  his  perception  of  form  and 
substitute  fancy  for  truth.  In  psychological  termin- 
ology it  is  asking  him  to  reconstruct  the  image. 
Children  have  enough  to  do  to  learn  to  see  accurately 
without  being  required  to  juggle  their  mental  images 
in  this  fashion. 


368        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

The  Relative  Importance  of  Perception  of  Form  in 
Visual  Education.  —  Groos  makes  the  interesting 
statement  that  the  visible  form  of  objects  is  of  higher 
biological  value  to  the  exceedingly  important  faculty 
of  recognition  than  is  color  or  brilliancy.1  Recogni- 
tion, the  first  requirement  for  reproduction,  is  natur- 
ally dependent  on  perception  of  form.  However 
true  this  statement  may  be  concerning  the  value  of 
form  in  visual  education,  it  seems  more  than  probable 
that  the  early  perception  of  form  is  indissolubly 
bound  up  with  that  of  brightness  and  of  color. 
Although  there  are  no  reliable  data  gathered  from 
scientifically  conducted  tests  to  prove  that  little 
children  show  a  preference  for  colored  pictures,  from 
the  writer's  own  experience  in  showing  pictures  to 
children  it  has  appeared  that  children  under  three 
years  of  age  can  scarcely  recognize  the  meaning  of 
simple  outline.  On  the  contrary,  a  child  of  kinder- 
garten age  has  learned  through  secondary  connections 
to  associate  form  with  simple  outline.  R  came  home 
from  kindergarten  one  day  exhibiting  a  series  of  crude 
lines  which  meant  to  him  trees,  soldiers,  houses,  and 
flowers.  These  lines  stood  for  objects  only  because 
associations  had  been  built  up  between  lines  and 
objects. 

The  Natural  Way  to  Learn  Form.  —  Most  children 
learn  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  form  before 
they  go  to  school.  While  busy  mothers  work  about 
the  house,  busy  children  linger  and  manipulate 
anything  which  responds  to  their  purposes.  And  as 
they    handle    they    learn    how    form    lends    itself    to 

1  K.  Groos:   The  Play  of  Man,  i>.  60. 


VISUAL  EXPLORATION  369 

locomotion  and  to  construction.  A  classification  of 
form  from  the  child's  viewpoint  would  vary  at 
different  ages,  but  would  center  about  the  uses  of 
objects.  Round  pie  tins  are  recognized  as  better  to 
spin  and  roll  than  oval  ones;  square  pans  can  be  built 
into  houses;  oblong  tins  can  be  used  for  street  cars. 
Round  baskets  are  seen  not  as  parts  of  hollow  spheres, 
but  as  containers.  This  incidental  knowledge  of 
form  which  the  child  gets  in  spontaneous  play  needs 
only  to  be  made  conscious  to  afford  a  basis  for  more 
intelligent  recognition  and  appreciation  of  form  in 
industry,  art,  and  commerce.  The  mother  or  teacher 
needs  but  to  direct  the  appreciation  and  classification 
of  form  along  constantly  progressive  lines,  and  teach 
a  suitable  terminology.  Many  mothers  unconsciously 
help  their  children  to  distinguish  form  through  spon- 
taneous play  with  buttons,  boxes,  jelly  glasses,  pie 
tins,  and  blocks.  Playing  store,  collecting  nature 
specimens,  as  well  as  drawing,  cutting,  clay  modeling, 
sewing,  and  carpentry  work,  all  teach  form  in  relation 
to  life  situations  and  reveal  the  characteristics  of  form 
in  useful  ways.  The  records  show  many  cases  where 
perception  of  form  was  perfected  through  such 
spontaneous  play. 

Perception  of  Movement.  —  Passive  enjoyment  of 
motion  is  common  throughout  life.  As  soon  as  the 
eyes  develop  the  power  to  follow  moving  objects, 
children  exhibit  an  unlearned  tendency  to  watch  and 
enjoy  motion.  The  infant  follows  the  movements  of 
people  near  him;  his  glance  seeks  out  the  undulating 
movements  of  flames,  the  wreaths  of  curling  smoke 
blown  from  a  pipe,  water  running  from  a  faucet,  or 


3"0        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

steam  rising  from  a  teakettle.  When  held  at  t lie  open 
window  he  delights  to  gaze  at  falling  rain,  the  whirling 
snowflakes,  and  trees  and  leaves  Mown  by  the  wind, 
and  to  watch  the  swift  movements  of  automobiles, 
street  cars,  and  trains.  Toys  that  move  are  early 
sought  out  and  the  movements  of  birds,  insects,  and 
animals  seldom  fail  to  challenge  attention. 

The  writer  can  remember  the  delight  she  ex- 
perienced in  her  childhood  from  watching  the  move- 
ments of  the  sand  and  water  at  the  seashore.  It  was 
pleasurable  to  see  the  beating  of  the  waxes  on  the 
shore,  the  dashing  of  the  breakers  on  the  piers,  the 
lapping  of  the  water  against  the  small  craft  moored  in 
the  harbor,  and  the  circling  of  the  sea-gulls  over  the 
water.  On  stormy  days  it  was  great  fun  to  watch, 
from  a  sheltered  place,  less  fortunate  people  hurrying 
to  their  homes;  to  follow  with  the  eyes  the  course  of 
scattering  leaves  and  papers  tossed  about  by  the 
wind ;  and  at  rare  moments  to  hear  the  crash  of 
boughs  lashed  to  the  ground  by  the  storm. 

Most  adults  share  these  interests  with  children. 
What  a  delight  to  watch  the  movements  of  throngs  of 
skaters  threading  their  passage  over  the  ice;  to  con- 
template the  merry  whirl  of  dancers  skimming 
lightly  over  a  waxed  floor;  to  watch  the  undulating 
movements  of  swimmers  working  their  passage  so 
gracefully  through  the  water!  What  pleasure,  too,  to 
follow  with  the  glance  the  swiftly  rolling  balls  sent 
toward  a  goal  or  to  watch  the  progress  of  tennis  balls 
released  from  the  racket,  of  arrows  speeding  upward, 
or  the  flight  of  the  swiftly  whirling  discus!  Adults 
enjoy  watching  the  speeding  of  automobiles  and  horses 


VISUAL   EXPLORATION  37 1 

along  race  tracks.  There  is  more  than  the  enjoyment 
of  seeing  physical  skill  in  watching  skillful  acrobatics; 
there  is  pleasure  in  contemplating  motion  in  and  of 
itself. 

Method  in  Visual  Education.  —  The  records  of  play 
activities  connected  with  brightness,  color,  form,  and 
movement  indicate  some  important  considerations  for 
more  formal  work  in  visual  education  and  are  therefore 
worthy  of  mention.  In  his  play  the  child  trains  his 
eye  to  recognize  colors  and  forms  in  situations  useful 
to  him  as  he  works  out  purposes  of  his  own.  He  uses 
a  red  glass  window  for  his  house  of  blocks,  because  he 
likes  the  color  effect ;  but  when  he  finds  that  he  cannot 
see  clearly  into  the  interior  of  the  house  he  is  building, 
he  substitutes  a  white  window  pane.  He  soon  learns 
that  cylindrical  blocks  make  excellent  rollers  for  toy 
vehicles;  but  when  he  tries  to  fashion  a  permanent 
toy,  he  discovers  that  wheels  are  more  easily  secured 
to  the  toy  and  serve  his  purpose  better.  In  construc- 
tion, the  child  is  not  interested  in  trying  out  various 
materials  for  the  sake  of  mere  experimentation;  he 
has  some  purpose  to  serve,  some  end  to  attain.  The 
old  type  of  sense  training  was  to  refine  the  senses. 
This  seems  to  be  Montessori's  position.  Her  didactic 
apparatus  was  calculated  to  serve  the  purpose  of 
intellectual  gymnastics.  She  seems  little  concerned 
with  evidence  for  or  against  the  transfer  of  training  to 
situations  useful  in  life.  It  seems  extremely  doubtful 
whether  the  children  taught  by  her  method  to  dis- 
criminate among  geometrical  forms  would  recognize 
those  forms  in  their  relation  to  constructive  problems 
in  machinery,  sewing,  or  carpentry  work,  or  whether 


372        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

their  appreciation  of  art  would  profit  by  such  exercises. 
On  the  contrary,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  a  child 
who  learned  form  through  building  with  blocks,  con- 
structing with  boxes  and  paper,  and  through  cutting 
and  drawing  would  have  learned  about  form  in  a  useful 
way.  The  same  may  be  said  of  training  in  color. 
It  is  what  the  child  learns  that  counts,  not  how  his 
senses  are  refined  by  so  doing. 

In  speaking  of  the  didactic  apparatus  of  Montessori 
and  her  method,  Kilpatrick  has  the  following  to  say: 
"It  is  true  that  any  experience  with  color  or  form  or 
weight  helps  to  make  one's  concepts  of  these  things; 
and  pleasurable  experience  along  any  one  of  these 
lines  will  lead  the  child  to  look  for  further  allied 
experiences.  It  is  further  true  that  growth  comes 
from  the  organization  of  such  experiences,  and  that 
this  is  the  training  that  we  really  wish.  In  these 
ways  exercise  with  this  apparatus  may  be,  indeed, 
will  be,  of  service;  because  from  it  comes  opportunity 
for  the  conscious  consideration  of  such  experiences. 
The  formal  and  mechanical  aspect  of  the  training  is, 
however,  practically  valueless."  l 

Records  of  Perceptions  of  Color  and 
of  Brighi  nkss 
The  following  records  show  play  situations  in  which 
perceptions  in  brightness,  color,  form,  and  movemenl 
are  gained  through  spontaneous  play: 

Twentieth  day.  "  R's  eyes  followed  a  moving 
lighted  candle  up  and  down,  but  not  from  left  to 
right." 

1  W.  H.  Kilpatrick:  The  Moiilcssori  System  Examined, pp.  50-51. 


VISUAL   EXPLORATION  373 

Twenty-third  day.  "R's  eyes  followed  a  candle 
flame  sideways  once  out  of  about  every  three  trials." 

Twenty-eighth  day.  "R  seemed  to  enjoy  gazing  in 
the  direction  of  the  windows  and  the  lighted  gas 
grate.  His  gaze  also  seemed  to  cling  repeatedly  to  a 
pink  afghan  thrown  over  a  chair  near  his  crib." 

Forty-fourth  day.  "He  gazed  at  a  large  mirror 
with  interest." 

Seventy-eighth  day.  "R's  gaze  rested  for  several 
minutes  at  different  times  on  a  red  tissue-paper  bow 
suspended  by  a  string  from  the  wall  near  his  crib. 
Several  days  later  he  looked  with  almost  equal  interest 
at  yellow,  blue,  and  violet  bows." 

Fourth  month.  "Three  balls,  red,  yellow,  and 
blue  in  color,  were  placed  in  a  row  in  front  of  R.  At 
first  it  seemed  that  he  gazed  less  at  the  yellow  ball 
than  at  the  others,  but  when  the  position  of  the  balls 
was  changed  several  times,  it  was  discovered  that  he 
looked  more  frequently  at  the  extreme  left  ball, 
regardless  of  color." 

Seventh  month.  "One  cloudy  day  I  turned  on 
the  electric  light.  R  noticed  the  difference  in  bright- 
ness at  once  and  looked  around,  then  up  to  the  lighted 
dome.  His  gaze  returned  to  the  dome  again  and 
again." 

Eighth  month.  "R  likes  especially  well  to  see  the 
flames  spring  out  when  I  touch  a  match  to  the  gas 
grate."  Mere  color  and  brightness  are  not  the  only 
attraction;  fire  brings  an  appeal  of  its  own. 

Fourteenth  month.  "Several  rolls  of  crepe  paper, 
red,  orange,  blue,  and  violet,  were  placed  before  R  in  a 
row.     He   seized   red   first,    then   orange,    then   blue. 


374        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

An  hour  later  the  same  colors  were  arranged  differ- 
ently before  him.  He  reached  for  orange,  red,  blue. 
in  order  named,  then  held  the  orange  for  a  consider- 
able period.  A  third  time  the  rolls  of  colored  paper 
were  laid  before  him.  He  crept  past  the  red  and  blue 
rolls  to  reach  the  orange  one." 

Fifteenth  month.  "From  red,  orange,  violet,  and 
blue,  R  chose  orange.  From  red,  orange,  violet, 
and  white  R  chose  violet." 

Eighteenth  month.  "The  same  four  tolls  of  paper 
were  laid  on  the  floor.  R  picked  them  up  one  at  a 
time  and  threw  each  down  on  his  other  side.  He  then 
picked  up  the  orange  roll  and  manipulated  it.  A 
few  clays  later  R  chose  red  and  orange  from  the  four 
colors.  Later  in  the  same  day  he  chose  orange  and 
violet.  R  is  apparently  at  this  time  partial  to 
orange  as  a  color." 

Four  years  and  two  months.  "  R  was  playing  with 
the  buttons  in  my  button  box.  He  said,  'here'-  a 
mahogany  button.  This  one  is  gold.'  I  nodded 
approval,  saying,  'Find  a  blue  one.'  R  picked  out  a 
dark  blue  button.  'Yes!  that  is  navy  blue.'  I  said; 
'Find  a  light  blue  one.'  R  picked  out  a  bright  blue 
button,  either  not  recognizing  the  meaning  oi  light 
blue,  or  not  perceiving  the  color."  ' 

Playing  with  Colored  Glass. --The  writer  spent 
many  happy  hours,  when  a  child,  playing  with  samples 
of  bright  transparent  and  translucent  glass.  In  the 
pure  white  sand  so  abundant  near  the  shore,  the 
squares  of  glass  gleamed    forth    like   precious   stones. 

1  All  these  examples  are  selected  from  the  author's  unpublished 
records. 


VISUAL   EXPLORATION  375 

Glass  houses  and  church  windows  were  built  and 
rebuilt.  It  was  fun  also  to  look  through  the  glass  at 
houses,  trees,  and  people;  not  only  were  the  color 
effects  interesting,  but  the  objects  viewed  obliquely 
through  the  glass  took  on  variations  of  form  and 
changed  in  perspective. 

It  would  be  easy  to  guide  such  playful  experimentation  along 
lines  of  scientific  inquiry  in  which  the  cause  of  refraction  and  laws 
controlling  it  are  spontaneously  discovered  by  children. 

Treasuring  Bits  of  Cloth.  —  Children  collect  pieces 
of  bright  silk,  velvet,  and  satin,  treasuring  them  care- 
fully. Most  children  enjoy  the  "feel"  of  silks,  satins, 
and  velvets  so  that  color  is  not  the  only  factor  here. 

Blowing  Soap  Bubbles.  —  Who  has  not  gazed  with 
delight  at  a  group  of  children  blowing  soap  bubbles 
in  the  sunshine  and  watched  their  eager  faces  light  up 
with  pleasure  when  the  golden  bubbles  sail  majestic- 
ally upward,  or  break  into  myriads  of  shining  stars 
before  the  perilous  journey  downward  is  completed? 
Each  bubble  acts  as  a  reflector,  producing  many 
colors  of  the  rainbow. 

Experimenting  with  a  Prism.  The  Light  Bird. 
Sooner  or  later  every  child  discovers  for  himself 
bright  spots  thrown  on  the  wall,  floor,  or  ceiling  of  a 
room  by  the  refraction  of  light  through  a  prism  or 
mirror.  "One  day  when  R  was  a  little  more  than  a 
year  old  he  sat  so  unusually  still  for  several  moments 
that  I  looked  in  the  direction  of  his  gaze  and  dis- 
covered he  was  pleasantly  engaged  in  watching  a 
dancing  spot  of  light  on  the  wall."  l  In  Froebelian 
kindergartens  the  children  call  this  refracted  light 
1  From  the  author's  unpublished  records. 


376        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

"the  Lighl  Bird"  and  often  try  to  catch  it,  running 
hither  and  thither  in  its  quest,  only  to  discover  that 
their  eyes  alone  can  catch  and  hold  their  pretty 
plaything. 

The  Rainbow.  -  The  rainbow  invariably  calls  from 
children  responses  of  delight.  Main-  children  arc 
observed  to  gaze  spellbound  by  the  riotous,  sensuous 
appeal  of  so  many  colors.  The  rainbow  is,  of  course, 
a  common  example  of  reflected  and  retracted  light. 

Experimenting  with  Vegetable  Colors  Obtained 
from  Roots,  Barks,  Leaves,  and  Berries.  The 
writer  has  seen  children  who  were  playing  drug  store 
go  to  considerable  trouble  to  make  colors  to  represent 
various  "drugs"  which  they  displayed  in  bottles. 
With  a  few  suggestions  concerning  the  action  of  salt, 
alum,  and  baking  soda  as  mordants  or  to  produce 
changes  of  color,  many  chemical  experiments  can  be 
performed  by  children.  The  results  are  pleasing  and 
satisfying.  For  example,  the  husks  of  walnuts  or 
butternuts  make  brown.  Brown  can  also  be  made 
from  coffee,  tea,  or  onion.  Grape  skins  and  purple 
cabbage  make  violet.  Pokeberries  make  a  red  violet 
and  cranberries  a  red  or  old  rose.  Nasturtium  or 
tomato  leaves  can  be  used  for  green. 

Records  of  Perception  of  Form 
Eleventh     month.       "  R    discovered     that    cylinders 

Kill   and   learned   how   to  roll   them    to  me  by  pushing 

them  away  from  himself." 

"While  rolling  an  embroidery  hoop,  R  accidentally 

learned  that  .1  certain  method  of  throwing  with  a  high 

arm    movement    induced    spinning.      lie    repeated    the 


VISUAL  EXPLORATION  377 

act  several  times.  Here  were  perception  of  form  and 
enjoyment  in  contemplating  motion  voluntarily  pro- 
duced." 

"R  tried  to  pick  up  the  spots  in  the  linoleum  pat- 
tern." 

"  R  fits  a  small  cylindrical  box  in  a  larger  cylindrical 
box  and  says  'gone'  when  he  can  not  pull  it  out." 

"Whenever  R  is  left  free  to  do  what  he  pleases  in 
the  kitchen,  he  goes  directly  to  the  cupboard  and 
takes  the  lid  off  the  double  boiler,  then  tries  to  fit  it 
on  the  various-sized  utensils  near  by.  He  has  never 
been  observed  to  fit  a  round  lid  on  a  square  tin  or  vice 
versa." 

"One  interesting  feature  of  R's  perception  of  form 
in  objects  is  his  growth  in  ability  to  perceive  the  uses 
of  objects  in  relation  to  their  size  and  shape.  He 
places  small  dolls  in  boxes,  and  has  been  observed  to 
note  variations  in  the  same  shape  in  fitting  together 
such  objects  as  boxes,  pans,  and  jelly  glasses." 

"R  learned  to  spin  an  oval  tin  as  well  as  a  round 
one." 

Thirteenth  month.  "R  is  pleased  to  take  corks 
out  of  bottles  and  put  them  back  again.  Given 
three  glass  bottles  with  stoppers  of  different  sizes, 
he  will  devote  himself  for  a  considerable  period  to 
fitting  the  stoppers  in  the  right  bottles.  Here 
pleasure  in  manipulation  is  the  chief  enjoyment. 
Mistakes  are  self-corrective,  since  only  the  right 
stopper  will  fit  each  bottle." 

"Given  a  nest  of  blocks,  R  did  not  at  first  discover 
how  to  fit  all  into  a  nest.  He  placed  only  two 
together." 


378        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

"R  fits  together  four  stew  pans  of  various  sizes, 
each  size  in  its  proper  place." 

"R  attempts  to  arrange  clothespins  in  a  row  over 
the  edge  of  a  box.  Here  some  aesthetic  appreciation 
of  regularity  of  form  is  noticeable." 

Fourteenth  mouth.  "R  appeared  to  be  gazing  into 
a  hand  mirror  which  chanced  to  lie  on  the  floor 
beside  him.  Presently  he  looked  again  and  laughed. 
I  wondered  if  he  was  amused  at  the  grotesqueness  of 
the  image.  He  reinforced  this  belief  on  my  part  by 
holding  the  mirror  perpendicularly  and  gazing  in- 
tently into  it.  In  all  probability  he  noticed  the 
reflection  of  other  objects  besides  himself."  ' 

i.  Distorting  Mirrors.  -Gazing  at  images  of 
themselves  in  the  howls  of  silver  spoons,  in  glass 
globes,  and  in  crystals  is  a  favorite  occupation  <>t 
children.  Greal  glee  greets  the  abnormalities  of  form 
and  features  thus  produced.  Recreation  agencies 
have  seized  upon  this  spontaneous  interest.  Amuse- 
ment resorts  present  crystal  palaces  where  the 
principle  of  spherical  aberration  in  convex  and 
concave  mirrors  is  worked  out  for  the  purpose  <»i 
getting  unusual  and  startling  effects.  People  become 
suddenly  thin  or  fat  and  greal  merriment  results. 
The  interest  in  spherical  mirrors  might  extend  to 
embrace  an  understanding  of  the  industrial  uses  of 
reflected  light,  examples  of  which  are  searchlights, 
lighthouses,  and  the  headlights  of  locomotives. 

2.  DoubJe  or  Triple  Mirrors.  Main-  children 
play  with  double  hand  mirrors,  or  gaze  into  the  triple 
mirrors  of  dressing-tables.     Here  the   reflecting   sur- 

1  Prom  i1  ■ '  -  unpublished  records. 


VISUAL   EXPLORATION  379 

faces  form  an  angle.  The  children  notice  that  several 
images  can  be  seen  at  once  in  the  triple  mirrors;  three 
when  the  mirrors  are  at  right  angles;  more  when  the 
angles  are  less  than  right  angles. 

3.  Looking  at  Reflections  in  the  Water.  —  Chil- 
dren enjoy  bending  over  wells,  ponds,  and  streams  to 
see  the  inverted  images  of  themselves  reflected  in  the 
water.  They  soon  notice  that  trees  and  houses  at 
the  water's  edge  appear  to  be  upside  down  in  the 
water  and  that  poles  resting  obliquely  in  the  water 
look  broken.  They  also  note  that  the  depth  of  a 
pond  or  stream  appears  different  according  to  their 
distance  from  the  water. 

4.  Shadow  Pictures  and  Shadowgraphs.  —  What 
child  cannot  remember  the  delight  of  shadow  chasing ! 
Many  children,  too,  learn  to  make  shadow  pictures 
on  the  walls:  rabbits,  bears,  wolves,  elephants,  and 
tigers  chase  each  other  across  the  sheet  in  rapid 
succession.  Half  of  the  interest  in  shadow  pictures 
comes  from  passive  enjoyment  of  the  movements  of 
the  forms  created  and  pleasure  in  being  a  cause. 
Lions  can  be  made  to  roar  and  stalk,  tigers  crouch 
ready  to  spring,  and  kittens  dart  after  their  prey. 
This  interest  has  been  commercialized  through  shadow- 
graphs. The  shadowgraph  set  consists  of  punched- 
out  cards  on  which  designs  are  lithographed  in  colors. 
The  light  shining  through  produces  pictures  on  the 
wall. 

5.  The  Stereoscope.1 -- This  instrument  is  com- 
monly used  in  schools  and  homes.  It  is  an  optical 
device  by  which  two  lenses  give  the  appearance  of  life 

1  See  W.  B.  Forbush:  The  Manual  of  Play,  pp.  327-328. 


380        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

proportions  to  objects,  persons,  and  scenery.  Add  to 
this  the  effect  of  perspective  and  roundness  of  contour, 
and  it  is  readily  perceived  how  children  delight  in 
this  instrument,  also  what  splendid  educational  oppor- 
tunities it  has  for  broadening  the  scope  of  such  school 
subjects  as  geography,  history,  and  botany. 

6.  Multiple  Pictures.  When  children  look  into  a 
thick  mirror,  they  notice  several  images  of  a  near  by 
light  or  candle.  This  is  because  the  front  surface  of 
the  mirror  and  the  metallic  surface  at  the  back  act  as 
parallel  reflectors. 

7.  The  Kaleidoscope.  —  What  joy  most  children 
derive  from  looking  at  the  beautiful  figures  in  the 
kaleidoscope!  By  looking  through  a  tube  containing 
three  mirrors  extending  its  entire  length,  the  children 
see  geometrical  patterns  of  ground  pieces  of  colored 
glass  which  are  loosely  placed  between  ground  glass 
and  a  plate  of  clear  glass  parallel  to  it. 

8.  The  Camera.  -  Nearly  every  child  desires  to 
own  a  camera.  The  problems  involved  here  are  too 
intricate  to  be  included  in  this  book. 

Records  of  Perceptions  or  Movements 

1.  The  Edison  Home  Kinetoscope.'  —  Children 
who  are  fortunate  enough  to  possess  this  scientific  toy 
can  have  motion  picture  exhibitions  in  their  own 
homes.  Small  rolls  of  films  are  used  and  the  light  is 
furnished  by  a  small  acetylene  generator. 

2.  The  Radiopticon  or  Postcard  Picture  Machine. 
-  By   means  of   this   machine,   ordinary    post    cards 

and  pictures  can  be  reflected  enlarged   upon  a  sheet. 
1  Ibid.,  pp.  327-8. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

Experimentation  With  Sound 

The  Scope  of  This  Study  Defined.  —  The  field 
connected  with  experimentation  in  sound  is  so  vast 
that  it  will  be  possible  to  touch  upon  only  two  or 
three  phases.  Babbling  and  voice  play  have  been 
purposely  omitted  while  spontaneous  experimentation 
with  sounds  and  noises,  also  with  toys  producing 
acoustic  effects,  have  been  selected  for  emphasis. 

Groos'  Theory  of  Sound  Play.  —  In  speaking  of  the 
tissue  hunger  for  sound  on  the  part  of  the  sensory 
organism,  Groos  says:  "It  seems  that,  in  order  to 
maintain  our  present  life,  an  incessant  rain  of  outer 
stimuli  must  beat  upon  us,  like  the  atomic  storm 
which  many  believe  pours  constantly  upon  the 
heavenly  bodies  and  accounts  for  gravitation.  *  *  * 
This  may  be  why  children  are  so  indefatigable  in 
making  noises,  patting  their  hands,  cracking  their 
knuckles,  snapping  and  drumming  with  the  fingers, 
stamping  and  beating  with  the  feet,  dragging  sticks 
about,  cracking  and  slamming  doors,  beating  hollow 
objects,  blowing  in  keys,  banging  on  trays,  clinking 
glasses,  snapping  whips,  and,  in  short,  delighting  in 
tearing  and  smashing  noises  generally.  And  adults 
are  not  much  behind  them.  These  same  sounds  in 
other  forms  please  us  too,  as  for  example  the  clinking 
of  spurs,  snapping  a  riding  whip,  rattling  sabres,  the 

381 


382        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 


Photographed  for  the  Pittsburgh  Bureau  qf  Recreation 

M  cjsical  Experimentation 

tinkling  of  tassels  and  fringes,  the  rustle  of  flowing 
draperies."  ' 

Experimentation  with  Sound.  -  The  child's  first 
experimentation  with  sound  comes  through  a  rec- 
ognition of  the  noises  and  sounds  going  on  about 
him.  Music  soothes  him  in  his  cradle,  toys  squeak, 
birds  sing,  bells  ring,  whistles  blow,  and  animals  utter 

1  K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  pp.  4-^-43- 


EXPERIMENTATION   WITH   SOUND  383 

their  characteristic  sounds,  while  people  talk,  whistle 
and    sing.     The    writer    can    testify    from    her    own 
records  of  one   child's   natural   responses   to   objects 
yielding  acoustic  effects.     Before  R  was  a  month  old 
he  was  easily  quieted  when   crying  by  listening  to 
piano  music  or  the  ticking  of  a  watch  held  near  his 
ear.     As  soon  as  he  could  tear  paper  the  noise  pro- 
duced  in  this  way  seemed   particularly  pleasurable. 
Ability  to  grasp  and  to  control  his  arm  movements 
made  the  shaking  of  rattles  and  pounding  and  clapping 
with  his  hands  enjoyable.     The  noise  produced  by 
pounding  on  the  glass  doors  of  the  bookcase  was  so 
pleasurable   that   he   persisted   in   this   activity   even 
when  punished  for  so  doing.     He  particularly  liked 
pounding  with  a  spoon  on  tin  lids  and  dishes,  rattling 
dishes  about,  and  pounding  wood  with  a  £,lass  bottle; 
and  if  not  watched  he  would  attempt  to  pound  on 
marble  with  a  bottle.     On  his  first  birthday  he  was 
given  a  drum.     He  was  not  satisfied  with  the  noise 
produced  by  beating  it  with  a  drumstick,  but  tried 
other  effects  by  beating  the  drum  softly  or  loudly 
with  his  hands,  or  by  striking  it  with  a  bottle,  a  spoon, 
or    an    egg-shaped    darning    ball.     When    he    heard 
piano  music,  he  often  responded  instantly  by  jumping 
up  and  down  in  his  high  chair,  sometimes  also  by 
beating  against  the  chair  with  his  hands  and  feet. 
He  liked  shaking  keys,  striking  a  tap  bell,  and  ringing 
sleigh  bells.     In  fact,  he  enjoyed  making  any  noises 
possible  to  make  by  hitting  and  pounding.     At  thir- 
teen months  he  sometimes  struck  a  note  softly  on  the 
piano,    although    then,    as   earlier,    pounding   on   the 
piano  loudly  with  both  hands  was  his  chief  delight. 


384        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

About  the  same  time  he  discovered  that  by  inserting 
one  end  of  a  steel  strip  between  the  rails  of  his  play 
pen  he  could  vibrate  it  and  produce  a  buzzing  sound. 
This  was  one  of  his  favorite  plays  for  several  weeks. 

The  Physiological  Foundations  of  Appreciation  of 
Sound.  —  All  this  stimulation  and  appreciation  of  its 
meaning  is  an  important  part  of  education  in  infancy 
and  childhood.  The  impression  of  each  sound  is 
transmitted  by  the  proper  nerve  to  the  brain  and  is 
there  recognized.  And  so,  in  children's  early  bab- 
bling, certain  chance  variations  in  sound  are  more 
pleasing  than  others  and  are  noticed  by  eager  parents 
who  encourage  their  children  to  reproduce  them. 
Thus  they  are  perceived  and  felt  more  vividly  and  are 
developed  for  use  in  connection  with  the  speaking  or 
singing  voice.  Such  a  conscious  and  willed  reproduc- 
tion of  sound  represents  real  achievement  in  the 
development  of  the  mind-ear.  There  is  in  the  mind 
an  image  of  these  sounds  and  this  image  persists  and 
motivates  the  reproduction  of  the  sound  on  a  certain 
pitch,  and  with  a  certain  intensity,  duration,  and 
stress.  To  reproduce  these  tone  effects  accurately 
the  whole  vocal  apparatus  —  the  lungs,  the  muscles 
surrounding  them,  the  vocal  cords,  tongue,  palate,, 
and  maxillary  muscles  —  must  be  set  in  motion. 
The  mind-ear  also  judges  the  result  and  the  child 
repeats  a  tone  or  sound  until  desired  effects  are 
gained,  or  until  satisfied  by  the  activity  itself. 

Development  of  Apprehension  of  Music— The  mere 
recognition  of  isolated  musical  sounds  or  of  noises  does 
not  necessarily  lead  to  musical  appreciation.  So 
long  as  this  tone  is  unrelated  to  other  tones  in  the 


EXPERIMENTATION  WITH   SOUND  385 

mind  we  have  not  musical  thought.  It  is  only  when  a 
series  of  musical  sounds  is  grouped  in  rhythmical  units 
and  these  groups  of  sound  are  harmoniously  perceived 
that  musical  thought  may  be  said  to  exist.  The  faculty 
of  hearing,  of  listening,  so  as  to  make  sense  of  what  is 
heard  requires  steady  and  systematic  cultivation  during 
the  same  years  that  the  eye  is  being  trained  in  count- 
less ways  to  see  and  perceive  accurately.  It  is  a  com- 
monplace to  suggest  that  the  ear  requires  training 
during  its  period  of  greatest  sensitivity.  It  is  prior  to 
the  fourteenth  year  that  the  child's  nervous  system 
is  the  most  responsive  to  sound  and  rhythm. 

Musical  Appreciation.  —  It  will  be  impossible  to 
more  than  refer  to  the  wide,  new  experimentation 
having  for  its  object  musical  appreciation  as  distinct 
from  performance.  A  number  of  phonograph  com- 
panies are  conducting  experiments  in  connection  with 
records,  trying  out  different  systems  in  practice 
centers.  The  following  range  of  experimentation  is 
perhaps  typical  of  the  new  lines  of  development. 
The  author  says: 

The  following  ways  for  arousing  curiosity  and  directing  interest 
have  proved  very  successful  in  the  experiments: 

(1)  By  selecting  a  poem  or  story  that  is  believed  to  be  in  a 
mood  parallel  to  the  music;  thus  stimulating  the  curiosity  of  the 
listeners  to  hear  how  nearly  the  literary  mood  suggests  the  music 
mood. 

(2)  By  directing  the  attention  of  the  listeners  to  music  through 
their  knowledge  of  marching,  dancing,  e 

(3)  By  suggesting  that  the  music  may  be  used  in  pantomime  or 
interpretative  dancing. 

(4)  By  suggesting  that  the  music  is  in  the  same  mood  as  a 
picture,  either  shown  or  described. 


386        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

(5)  By  presenting  a  problem,  for  instance:  two  poetic  selections 
with  one  musical  selection.  After  studying  the  mood  in  each 
selection,  play  the  record  and  have  the  listeners  decide  which  they 
think  the  music  fits  the  better;  or  by  reversing  the  process  and  using 
two  selections  of  music  with  one  poetic  selection.1 

Acoustic  Playthings.  —  Children,  like  savages,  show 
extraordinary  cleverness  in  fashioning  crude  musical 
implements.  With  savages  the  impulse  to  make 
musical  instruments  arises  largely  from  their  desire 
to  accentuate  dance-rhythms,  and  incidentally  to  add 
new  methods  of  experimentation  in  imitating  the 
sounds  suggested  by  nature  or  by  voice  play.  With 
children,  pleasure  in  manipulating  materials  in  such 
a  way  that  musical  sounds  are  produced  is  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  large  numbers  of  ingeniously 
fashioned  clappers,  whistles,  drums,  and  stringed 
instruments  we  find  among  children's  original  toys. 

Musical  Toys  to  be  Struck  or  Shaken.  -  -  This 
group  of  toys  may  correspond  to  such  musical  instru- 
ments as  the  drum,  the  gong,  the  tom-tom,  the 
triangle,  bells,  the  hammer,  the  tubcrphone,  and  the 
tambourine.  The  child  invents  his  own  rattles  by 
filling  boxes  with  stones,  gravel,  or  sand.  Jingles  are 
made  of  bunches  of  pebbles  or  bones.  Clappers  of 
wood  or  bone  are  frequently  made  and  castanets  are 
made  of  shell  and  metal.  Drums  are  invented  by 
stretching  a  piece  of  cloth  or  leather  over  gourds,  a 
hollowed  piece  of  wood,  or  a  metal  dish.  These 
drums  are  struck  either  by  the  hands  or  by  sticks. 
Gongs  are  made  from  stone  or  wood  and  are  sometimes 
arranged    in    sets    to    produce    contrasting    sounds. 

1  L.  Mohler:  "Music  Moods,"  Educational  Bulletin,  Columbia 
Graphophone  Company. 


EXPERIMENTATION   WITH   SOUND  387 

Many  children  learn  to  play  crude  tunes  on  pans  or 
glass  goblets  filled  with  water.  They  soon  discover 
how  to  produce  varying  sounds  by  altering  the 
amount  of  water  in  the  goblets  or  the  nature  of  the 
stick  they  use  for  striking. 

Toy  Stringed  and  Wind  Instruments. —  Spontaneous 
plays  with  so-called  wind  instruments  are  almost  as 
numerous  as  with  beaten  ones.  Children  blow  on 
grasses  or  willow  whistles,  thus  producing  shrill  and 
startling  sounds.  Playing  tunes  on  combs  is  a  favorite 
pastime.  Experimentation  with  a  tin  horn  or  roll 
of  paper  often  leads  the  youthful  inventor  to  produce 
a  megaphone;  if  he  lives  on  a  ranch,  natural  horns  are 
converted  into  trumpets.  It  is  but  a  step  to  the 
invention  of  the  traditional  "Pipe  of  Pan,"  made 
of  reeds,  grasses,  wood,  or  stone,  and  with  no  hole 
to  finger  or  reed  to  set  in  vibration.  Most  children 
stop  at  this  point,  although  a  few  go  so  far  as  to 
learn  that  the  principle  of  producing  sound  through 
a  pipe  is  to  set  the  air  within  into  vibration  by  allow- 
ing a  stream  of  air  from  the  mouth  to  strike  the 
edge  of  the  pipe,  or  by  using  a  vibrating  tongue 
or  reed.  The  children  who  have  constructed  crude 
wind  instruments  are  quick  to  grasp  the  principles  of 
sound-making  illustrated  by  the  flute,  the  clarinet, 
and  the  trombone. 

An  introduction  to  stringed  instruments  often  comes 
through  playful  experimenting.  Boys  who  work 
with  metal  discover  that  they  can  produce  musical 
sounds  from  thin  strips  of  metal  fastened  securely  in  a 
vise.  Drawing  a  bow  across  a  partly  filled  glass  of 
water  also  produces  pleasant  tones.     Someone  has  said 


388        SPONTANEOUS  AXD  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

that  thrumming  with  the  hand  on  a  bowstring  may 
first  have  suggested  musical  sound  to  the  cars  of  the 
caveman.  The  child  gets  his  introduction  to  the 
harp  type  oftenest  by  stretching  cord  tightly  over  a 
shallow  wooden  box.  He  varies  this  by  adding  a 
series  of  catgut  strings  of  different  length  or  mass 
and  plucking  them  with  a  piece  of  wood,  metal,  or 
ivory.  The  number  of  strings  varies  from  one  or  two 
upward,  though  the  weakness  of  the  framework  usually 
limits  both  number  and  tension.  Many  boys  enter- 
tain themselves  for  hour>  by  plucking  the  strings  of  a 
home-made  banjo  or  guitar.  They  soon  learn  that 
even  in  the  simplest  of  these  stringed  instruments  the 
air  within  the  box  acts  as  a  resonator.  For  the  same 
reason  a  teacup  or  a  sea  shell  held  to  the  car  emits 
sounds  which  seem  to  the  ear  to  resemble  the  roar  of 
the  sea. 

Echo  Plays.  —  Echo  plays  may  well  be  included 
under  acoustic  effects  spontaneously  produced  by 
children  even  though  the  agency  is  the  human  voice. 
Most  children  can  remember  the  pleasure  derived 
from  shouting  loudly  near  steep  hills,  tall  piles  of 
lumber,  or  high  buildings,  and  hearing  the  sound 
come  back  again.  Children  who  travel  notice  the 
strange  and  unusual  echoes  which  occur  between  the 
parallel  walls  of  deep  canyons.  Boys  out  hunting 
experience  aerial  echoes  when  they  hear  the  sound  ol  a 
gun  gradually  rolling  off  in  the  distance.  At  amuse- 
ment parks  there  are  whispering  galleries  into  which 
children  are  often  taken.  When  they  whisper  softly 
on  one  side  the  sound  may  be  heard  distinctly  at  some 
distant  point  because  of  the  curved  walls. 


EXPERIMENTATION   WITH   SOUND 


389 


The  Toy  Orchestra.  —  So  many  of  the  results  of 
experimentation  with  children's  toy  orchestras  have 
been  published  in  educational  magazines  and  musical 
journals  that  it  seems  unnecessary  to  explore  the 
possibilities  of  the  toy  orchestra  in  this  study  of 
spontaneous  sound  play. 

The  writer  includes  a  selected  list  of  descriptions  of 
various  experiments  in  connection  with  the  many-sided 
efforts  to  give  children  musical  appreciation. 


Photographed  for  the  Pittsburgh  Bureau  of  Education 

"America,"  Accompanied  by  Playground  Orchestra 


390        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

A  Selected  List   of   Readings   concerning   Toy 

Orchestras  and  Training  Children  in 

Musical  Interpretation 

J.  N.  Barrett:  "Music  During  the  Third  Year,"  The  Home  Kinder- 
garten Manual,  pp.  155-157-  (This  article  touches  on  early 
training  in  the  perception  of  musical  sounds  in  the  home,  and 
gives  suggestions  for  using  music  to  help  control  emotions  and 
moods.) 

C.  B.  Cady:  "Music  Needs  of  the  Kindergarten,"  Ibid.,  pp.  305-308. 
(Discusses  the  value  of  music  for  music's  sake,  not  for  a  pro- 
gram.) 

C.  B.  Cady:  "Music  Education  of  a  Little  Child,"  Kindergarten  and 
First  Grade,  1916-1917. 

C.  Crawford  and  E.  R  Fogg:  The  Rhythms  of  Childhood.  (Select- 
ed rhythmic  activities  with  simple  music  to  express  really 
childish  ideas  and  words.) 

C.  H.  Farnsworth:  How  to  Study  Music. 

M.  H.  Glyn:  Rhythmic  Conception  of  Music. 

E.  Jaques-Dalcroze:  Rhythm,  Music  and  Education. 

F.  Kirk:  Rhythmic  Games  and  Dances  for  Children. 

I.  C.  Knapp:  "Musical  Activities  with  Little  Children,"  Kinder- 
garten and  First  Grade,  June,  igiS.  (Suggestions  concerning 
rhythmic  activities,  bands,  and  creative  singing.) 

S.  Macpherson:  The  Musical  Education  of  the  Child.  (Discusses 
the  child's  musical  environment  and  how  to  help  him  interpret 
it.) 

S.  Macpherson:  The  Musical  Education  of  the  Child.  Part  II, 
"Appreciative  Music  Study:  Its  Meaning  and  Its  Value." 

S.  Macpherson:  The  Appreciative  Aspect  of  Music,  chap,  ii, 
"How  to  Listen  to  Music." 

('..  Mayard:  "The  Music  Problem,"  Ibid.,  March  and  May,  1920. 
(Discusses  appreciation  of  music  through  the  phonograph  and 
suggests  a  few  records  to  be  used  with  small  children.) 

G.  Mayard:    "The  Music  Problem,"  Ibid.,  February,  1020.      (A 

discussion  of  musical  toys  and  the  kindergarten  orchestra.) 


EXPERIMENTATION   WITH   SOUND  39 1 

G.  Mayard:  "The  Music  Problem,"  Ibid.,  January,  1920.  (Sug- 
gestions for  listening  to  elementary  music  sounds.) 

D.  C.  Miller:  The  Science  of  Musical  Sounds. 
J.  B.  McEwen:  Thought  in  Music. 

L.  Mohler:  Music  Moods  as  a  Basis  for  Appreciation.  Education 
Bulletin,  Columbia  Graphophone  Company. 

M.  E.  Pennell:  "Music  for  the  Early  Years,"  The  Home  Kinder- 
garten Manual,  pp.  308-319.  (Contains  descriptive  lists  of 
songs,  instrumental  selections,  and  phonograph  records,  also 
methods  for  using  each.) 

W.  S.  Pratt:  The  History  of  Music,  chap,  i,  "Primitive  or  Savage 
Music." 

H.  H.  Seymour:  What  Music  Can  Do  for  You.  (Has  a  chapter  on 
music  for  children.) 

E.  Smith:  "Early  Music  Teaching  in  School,"  The  Home  Kinder- 

garten Manual,  pp.  544-545.     (Discusses  the  preparation  and 
study  of  a  song  and  the  nature  of  an  ideal  song  for  children.) 

C.  F.  Smith:  The  Music  of  Life. 

W.  R.  Spalding:  Music,  an  Art  and  a  Language. 

T.  Surette:  "Music  and  Life,"  Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol.  119,  pp. 

T.  Surette:  "Public  School  Music,"  Ibid.,  Vol.  118,  pp.  812-823. 
T.  Surette:  "What  Is  Music?"  Ibid.,  Vol.  117,  pp.  188-197. 
T.  Surette:  "Music  for  Children,"  Ibid.,  Vol.  117,  pp.  356-363- 
E.  B.  Taylor:    Anthropology,  chap,  iv,  "Language."     (Discusses 

gesture-language . ) 
H.  Weber:  Putting  Young  America  in  Tune.    (How  to  teach  children 

appreciation  of  music.) 
G.  H.  Woods:  School  Orchestras  and  Bands. 


APPENDIX  A 

TOPICAL  REFERENCES  AND  EXERCISES  FOR 
TEXTBOOK  ASSIGNMENT 

CHAPTER  II 
Play   and   Work:  An    Interpretation 

Collateral  Reading 

G.  D.  Strayer  and  N.  Norsworthy:  How  to  Teach,  chapter  iv, 

The  Meaning  of  Play  in  Education. 
C.  E.  Seashore:  Psychology  in  Daily  Life,  chapter  i,  Play. 
K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  pp.  361-389.     (Discusses  the  theories 

of  play.) 
J.   Dewey:  How  We   Think,  pp.   161-169.     (Discusses  play  and 

work.) 
F.  Bobbitt:   The  Curriculum,  chapter  i,  Educational  Experience 

upon  the  Play  Level;  chapter  ii,  Educational  Experience  upon 

the  Work  Level. 
J.  L.  Meriam:  Child  Life  and  the  Curriculum,  chapter  xiv,  School 

Studies — Play. 

F.  N.  Freeman:  How  Children  Learn,  chapter  v,  The  Child's  Native 

Responses  —  Play. 

G.  T.  W.  Patrick:  Psychology  of  Relaxation,  chapter  ii,  The  Psy- 

chology of  Play. 
L.  E.  Appleton:   A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of  Adult 

Savages  and  Civilized  Children,  pp.  78-83. 
C.  W.  Waddle:  An  Introduction  to  Child  Psychology,  chapter  v, 

The  Play  of  Children. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  What  is  the  "surplus  energy"  theory  of  play;  the  "utility" 
theory;  the  "atavistic"  theory;  the  "biological"  theory? 

393 


394        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

2.  What  were  your  favorite  plays  in  childhood?  Which  do 
you  connect  with  inherited  tastes  and  capacities?  Which  were 
directed  or  stimulated  by  environment  or  imitation? 

3.  Were  there  any  plays  common  to  childhood  which  you  cannot 
include  in  your  repertoire  of  plays?     Account  for  the  omission. 

4.  Describe  several  play  activities  which  involve  either  work  or 
drudgery.  What  conditions,  both  physiological  and  psychological, 
produce  changes  in  the  development  of  purposeful  play? 

5.  Give  several  illustrations  of  how  play  may  pass  insensibly  into 
work. 

6.  Discriminate  between  supervised  and  spontaneous  play  as 
regards  purpose,  motivation,  and  habit  formation. 

7.  Make  a  list  of  play  projects  which  would  be  likely  to  permit  to 
children  choosing  them,  a  variety  of  purposes  sufficiently  strong  to 
help  initiate  the  means  and  technique  necessary  in  the  achievement 
of  the  projects.  Separate  those  projects  primarily  suited  for  the 
kindergarten  from  those  suited  for  the  first,  second,  third,  and 
fourth  grades,  respectively. 

8.  What  standards  would  you  apply  in  judging  whether  or  not  a 
given  play  activity  is  of  value  to  an  individual  child  or  to  a  group? 

9.  How  far  are  you  willing  to  go  in  demanding  that  individual 
children  reach  set  goals  of  muscular  coordination  in  such  physical 
activities  as  rolling  a  hoop,  batting  a  ball,  or  in  swimming  and  in 
dancing? 

10.  How  would  you  measure  the  development  of  character  in 
play  or  in  work? 

1 1 .  Do  you  account  for  play  through  a  single  instinct  or  through 
special  instincts  connected  with  life  in  general?  Illustrate  your 
point  by  applying  it  to  movement  plays  and  to  dramatic  plays. 

if.  Discriminate  among  play,  work,  toil,  drudgery,  recreation, 
and  amusement  in  childhood  and  in  adult  life. 

13.  Discuss  the  values  of  supervision  of  children's  play.  What 
are  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  in  regard  to  (1)  securing  the 
expression  and  repression  of  desirable  and  undesirable  inborn  ten- 
dencies; (2)  adapting  plays  and  games  to  children's  stages  of 
development;  (3)  adjusting  individual  differences  to  group  needs; 
(4)  emphasizing  the  intellectual,  social,  moral,  and  physical  elements 


APPENDIX  A  395 

of  the  play  at  the  proper  time;  (5)  preserving  the  initiative  of 
children?  Give  four  examples  to  show  common  errors  in  supervi- 
sion, including  in  your  diagnosis  of  mistakes  the  points  mentioned. 


CHAPTER  III 
Education  through  Dramatic  Plays 

Collateral  Reading 

K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  pp.  300-313.     (Discusses  dramatic 

imitation  in  play.) 
I.  King:  The  Psychology  of  Child  Development,  chapter  x.     (Deals 

with  the  meaning  of  imitation  in  childhood.) 
N.  Norsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Childhood, 

chapter  ix.     (Discusses  imagination  in  childhood.) 
E.  W.  Curtis:  The  Dramatic  Instinct  in  Education,  chapter  vii, 

Play. 
W.  McDougall:  An  Introduction  to  Social  Psychology,  chapter  xv, 

Imitation,  Play  and  Habit. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Visit  a  playground.  Remain  for  one  hour  an  observer  of  a 
group  of  children  from  three  to  seven  years  old.  List  their  activi- 
ties. Do  the  same  with  a  group  of  children  from  seven  to  nine  years 
old,  and  with  another  group  from  nine  to  twelve  years  old.  Com- 
pare with  others'  lists.  What  proportion  of  plays  are  dramatic? 
What  proportion  are  dominantly  plays  involving  physical  activities 
and  skills?  What  proportion  involve  impulse  and  curiosity  about 
natural  forces  and  materials? 

2.  In  the  dramatic  plays  what  instincts  and  capacities  did  you 
notice?  Did  you  see  examples  of  mastering  or  submissive  be- 
havior, or  motherliness,  or  the  hunting  and  fighting  instincts?  Of 
display,  or  self-conscious  behavior?  Of  sex  behavior?  Of  gregari- 
ousness?  Of  nurturing?  Of  protective  behavior?  Of  acquisition 
and  possession? 

3.  What  characteristics  of  people  and  what  features  of  inanimate 
objects  did  you  see  imitated  most  frequently?    At  what  ages? 


396        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

4.  Where  did  you  notice  "make  believe"  and  how  would  you 
characterize  the  mental  attitude  back  of  such  play? 

5.  Observe  several  dramatic  plays  and  note  whether  the  social 
tendencies  such  as  gregariousness,  desire  for  approval,  dislike  or 
scorn,  kindliness,  attention  to  human  beings,  and  the  like,  are  being 
developed  normally  or  the  tendencies  opposed  to  them,  fighting, 
mastery,  rivalry,  jealousy  and  ownership.  What  seem  to  you  to  be 
the  most  popular  dramatic  plays  from  three  to  seven  years;  from 
seven  to  nine;  from  nine  to  twelve  years? 

6.  What  laws  of  attention  account  for  the  short  duration  of  the 
dramatic  plays  of  children  of  kindergarten  age,  and  for  the  wide 
range  of  interests  displayed  all  through  childhood? 

7.  Give  some  definite,  practical  illustrations  of  how  dramatic 
plays  supplement  training  in  observation,  attention,  imagination, 
cooperation,  and  language  development. 

8.  Present  two  dramatic  plays.  Show  the  possible  influence  of 
other  persons  in  (1)  what  the  children  did;  (2)  their  manner  of 
doing  it;  (3)  the  motives  which  induced  the  dramatizations.  Indi- 
cate also  the  native  tendencies  which  led  to  the  plays. 

9.  Sum  up  your  ideas  regarding  the  advantages  and  disadvan- 
tages of  emotional  training  through  dramatic  play  as  contrasted  with 
training  through  actual  life  activities. 

10.  Illustrate  how  season,  sex,  and  custom  influence  children  in 
their  choices  of  plays  and  games. 

11.  From  an  analysis  of  plays  involving  imitation,  show  how  the 
tendency  to  duplicate  the  actions  and  attitudes  of  people  is  one 
means  of  conserving  social  progress;  indicate  also  how  the  imitative 
tendency  hinders  progress. 

12.  Do  you  regard  dramatic  play  as  a  preparation  for  life  or  as  a 
method  of  living?     Support  your  answer. 

13.  Show  how  undesirable  instinctive  tendencies  may  be  modified 
through  dramatic  plays. 

CHAPTER  IV 

Playing  Doll  and  House 

Collateral  Reading 
G.  S.  Hall  and  A.  C.  Ellis:  Aspects  of  Child  Life  and  Education, 
A  Study  of  Dolls,  pp.  157-204. 


APPENDIX  A  397 

M.  V.  O'Shea:  Social  Development  and  Education,  chapter  ix. 
(Discusses  social  types,  including  the  dramatic.) 

L.  A.  Palmer:  Play  Life  in  the  First  Eight  Years,  pp.  199-205. 
(Relates  how  children  may  be  taught  to  assume  some  house- 
hold responsibilities  in  the  play  spirit.) 

E.  V.  Dobbs:  Primary  Handwork,  chapter  v,  The  House  Problem. 

M.  E.  Wells:  A  Project  Curriculum,  Section  1  B,  First  Grade, 
Major  Project — Playing  Families. 

C.  F.  Chassel  and  M.S.  Upton:  "Scales  for  Measuring  Habits  of 
Good  Citizenship."  Teachers  College  Record,  Volume  XXIII, 
pp.  52-80. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  From  your  observation  of  children's  house-plays,  list  all  the 
instinctive  tendencies  you  think  enter  into  such  play.  State  how 
undesirable  tendencies  may  be  modified  by  associating  with  them 
unpleasant  consequences,  and  how  desirable  tendencies  may  be 
strengthened  by  rewards. 

2.  List  in  order  of  their  importance,  in  connection  with  house- 
plays,  the  social  and  non-social  tendencies  given  in  Thorndike's 
"Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational  Psychology,  Volume  I. 

3.  Can  children  in  playing  house  gain  specific  skills  in  making 
beds,  laundering,  and  the  like?  Is  it  more  or  less  economical  to 
develop  household  skills  in  play  than  in  connection  with  responsi- 
bilities in  the  home?  What  part  would  frequency  and  intensity  of 
interest  play  in  fixing  these  habits? 

4.  From  a  perusal  of  the  records  of  children's  spontaneous 
house-plays  indicate  how  you  could  improve  some  of  the  plays 
by  stressing  real-life  situations  in  place  of  some  of  the  symbolic 
and  representative  plays  described. 

5.  What  is  the  bearing  of  the  child's  disposition  to  pet  and  fondle 
dolls,  pets,  and  other  children  upon  his  attitudes  as  regards  con- 
sideration of  others,  kindliness,  and  protection  of  the  weak? 

6.  If  a  child  of  your  acquaintance  were  satisfied  continually  to 
engage  in  such  dramatic  play  as  Record  2  in  this  chapter  represents, 
upon  what  level  of  intelligence  would  you  place  him? 

7.  Analyze  the  relative  intelligence  of  both  girls  in  Record  3, 
making  allowance  for  physiological  age,  and  the  fact  that  one  child 


398        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

was  in  a  new  environment.  Which  social  traits  should  be  en- 
couraged in  each  child?     Which  ones  penalized? 

8.  Mention  some  differences  in  the  natures  of  children  which 
arc  like  the  differences  between  primitive  and  civilized  people  and 
which  you  consider  are  the  result  of  variations  in  intelligence. 

o.  Show  how  the  play  described  in  Record  6  could  be  made  more 
educational  by  substituting  real  experiences  for  the  artificial  ones 
described. 

io.  Do  you  consider  that  promptness,  neatness,  orderliness,  and 
the  like  can  be  learned  in  connection  with  dramatic  plays  such  as 
Record  8  represents?     Support  your  answers  by  illustrations. 

n.  Show  how  ideas  of  justice  originate  in  real  life  situations. 
Criticize  Record  io  from  this  standpoint. 

i2.  After  reading  Record  u,  indicate  how  character  develop- 
ment could  result  from  demanding  control,  courtesy,  politeness,  and 
the  like  in  connection  with  the  play.  Would  you  be  able  to  demand 
from  the  children  the  qualities  necessary  to  enact  a  role;  for  the 
cooks,  neatness;  for  the  ticket  puncher,  skill  in  making  change;  for 
the  waitresses,  politeness  and  quick  service? 

13.  If   you   grant   that    character   development   is   one   of   the 
purposes  of  supervised  play,  how  would  you  seek  to  motivate  chil- 
dren to  demand  right  responses  from  each  other?     Are  you  willing- 
to  reward  achievements  in  character  as  you  reward  skill  in  tunning, 
jumping,  and  throwing? 

14.  Could  portions  of  the  Chassell-Upton  scale  of  measuring 
habits  of  good  citizenship  be  used  in  connection  with  dramatic 
plays  on  the  playground  and  in  the  home?     Indicate  how. 

CHAPTER  V 

Playing  Store 

Collateral  Reading 
J.  and  E.  Dewey:  Schools  of  Tomorrow,  pp.  45-48.     (Discusses  the 

use  of  games  involving  store  activities  in  connection  with  school 

instruction.) 
M.  E.  Wells:  A   Project  Curriculum,  Section  1  B,  Second  Grade, 

Major  Project — Playing  Store. 


APPENDIX  A  399 

C.   F.   Burk:   "The   Collecting  Instinct,"   Pedagogical  Seminary, 

Volume  VII,  pp.  179-207. 
J.  B.  Watson:  Psychology  From  the  Standpoint  of  a  Behavior  ist, 

pp.  255-256.     (Discusses  collecting  and  hoarding.) 
F.   G.    Bonser:     The   Elementary   School   Curriculum,   chapter  v. 

(Shows  the  emergence  of  the  curriculum  from  life  activities.) 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Which  type  of  store  experiences  do  you  consider  most  impor- 
tant, real  play  with  real  materials,  representative  play,  or  actual 
buying  and  selling  in  commercial  stores? 

2.  In  connection  with  buying  and  selling  in  real  stores,  how  can 
you  develop  in  children  the  ability  (1)  to  concentrate  on  purchasing 
one  or  several  articles  and  on  getting  the  correct  change;  (2)  to 
search  and  find  a  quality  desired;  (3)  to  test  the  quality  by  the  end 
it  is  to  serve  and  the  price  paid  for  it? 

3.  In  playing  store  with  real  materials  how  can  you  demand  the 
following  social  habits:  neatness  and  beauty  in  the  store;  promptness 
in  attending  to  orders;  accuracy  in  filling  orders;  patience  and 
courtesy  in  store  behavior;  cooperation  in  planning  and  executing 
the  work? 

4.  Are  you  willing  to  reward  children  for  achievements  in 
character  in  connection  with  store-plays?     If  so,  how? 

5.  List  the  arithmetical  skills  which  are  likely  to  be  needed  in 
storekeeping.  Make  separate  lists  for  the  kindergarten,  first, 
second,  third,  and  fourth  grades. 

6.  Show  how  writing  and  reading  grow  out  of  a  felt  need  in 
connection  with  store-plays. 

7.  Indicate  how  appreciation  of  color  and  form  is  an  integral 
part  of  experience  in  playing  store. 

8.  What  goals  or  standards  of  achievement  are  you  willing  to 
demand  from  children  who  wish  to  play  storekeeper,  buyer, 
deliveryman,  and  bookkeeper  in  store-plays? 

9.  Show  the  correlation  between  store-plays  and  the  work  in 
manual  training,  in  fine  and  industrial  arts,  in  cookery,  physics, 
and  chemistry. 

10.  How  can  habits  of  thrift  be  established  through  playing 
store? 


400        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

ii.  Indicate  how  interest  in  collecting  and  hoarding  can  be 
connected  with  store-plays. 

12.  Make  a  list  of  problems  or  projects  which  might  arise  from 
school  excursions  to  stores. 

13.  Do  you  approve  of  the  toy  shop  model  store  equipment? 
Support  your  answer. 

14.  List  an  equipment  necessary  for  playing  store  in  any  given 
grade.  Plan  for  (1)  grocery  store;  (2)  millinery  shop;  (3)  drug 
store. 

15.  Relate  the  dangers  and  limitations  of  overemphasizing 
representative  plays  with  symbolic  materials  in  regard  to  (1)  habit 
formation;  (2)  economy  of  time. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Playing  School 

Collateral  Reading 

E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Volume  1,  pp.  92-97.  (Discusses  some  of  the  social 
instincts  —  masterly  and  submissive  behavior  and  display.) 

E.  A.  Kirkpatrick:  Fundamentals  of  Child  Study,  chapter  v.  Imi- 
tating and  Socializing  Stage. 

J.  E.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  chapter  xviii.  Subjects  of  Persona- 
tion. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1 .  What  proportion  of  plays  in  which  social  limitation  is  impor- 
tant are  found  in  the  plays  of  children  from  seven  to  ten  years  of  age? 

2.  What  other  plays  besides  school  are  important  as  a  means  of 
social  imitation? 

3.  From  the  records  do  you  consider  that  the  methods  of  teaching 
drawing,  writing,  or  gymnastics  carry  over  into  children's  play  as 
habits? 

4.  Of  what  significance  does  the  lesson  in  physical  training 
described  in  Record  1  bear  to  the  problem  of  formal  versus  informal 
play? 


APPENDIX  A  401 

5.  Do  you  consider  that  children  to  whom  school  represents  real 
experiences  in  carpentering,  gymnasium  work,  music,  drawing, 
and  the  like  would  represent  school  in  the  way  described  in  Record  1? 

6.  Mention  the  social  characteristics  most  likely  to  be  imitated 
in  playing  school.     Explain  why. 


CHAPTER  VII 
Hunting  Plays 

Collateral  Reading 

J.  F.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  chapter  xxix,  The  Gang. 

N.  Norsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  0}  Childhood, 
chapter  iii.     (Discusses  the  non-social  instincts.) 

H.  D.  Sheldon:   "The  Institutional  Activities  of  American  Chil- 
dren," American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Volume  IX,  pp.  425-448. 

L.  H.  Gulick:  A  Philosophy  of  Play,  chapter  iii,  Hunting  and  Fight- 
ing. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Is  there  such  a  thing  as  a  general  hunting  instinct?  If  so, 
what  is  it?     If  not,  what  are  the  situations  and  responses  referred  to? 

2.  Give  some  definite,  practical  illustrations  of  how  pursuit 
and  flight  may  be  utilitarian  responses  to  savage  children  and 
playful  activities  to  civilized  children. 

3.  How  can  we  preserve  the  individualistic  tendencies,  rivalry, 
fighting,  and  competition,  yet  develop  sympathy  and  cooperation? 
Illustrate  your  point  by  indicating  ten  hunting  plays  for  children 
under  ten  years  of  age,  which  involve  team  play  in  opposing  gangs, 
yet  provide  for  cooperation  and  fair  play. 

4.  What  are  the  dangers  and  advantages  connected  with  school 
teams  or  contests  between  school  teams,  also  with  debating  socie- 
ties? 

5.  Make  a  list  of  games  involving  progression  in  the  use  of  the 
hunting  responses. 

6.  List  ten  quiet  games  involving  the  search  for  hidden  objects. 
State  at  what  ages  these  games  can  suitably  be  played. 


402        SPONTANEOUS  AND  SUPERVISED  PLAY 

7.  Criticize  the  following  utilization  of  the  hunting  responses  as 
a  center  for  correlating  the  various  activities  of  the  third  grade: 
During  one  month  the  children  made  bows  and  arrows  and  hunting 
costumes,  constructed  Indian  wigwams,  solved  arithmetic  problems 
relating  to  the  trade  and  barter  of  Indians,  dramatized  the  hunt,  read 
Indian  folk-lore,  sang  Indian  songs,  played  Indian  games,  molded 
and  baked  Indian  pottery,  learned  Indian  dances,  relived  other 
phases  of  the  Indian  life. 

8.  What  tendencies  lie  back  of  bullying  and  teasing,  hounding 
those  of  religious  faith  other  than  our  own,  college  hazing,  and 
persecution  of  special  classes  in  society? 

9.  Plan  five  spontaneous  hunting  activities,  participation  in 
which  trains  children  to  value  law,  order,  and  equality  of  oppor- 
tunity. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Fighting  Plays 

Collateral  Reading 

E.  L.  Thorndike:  "The  Original  Nature  of  Man,"  Educational 
Psychology,  Volume  I,  pp.  68-76.     (Discusses  fighting.) 

J.  A.  Puffer:  The  Boy  and  His  Gang,  chapter  x,  The  Individualistic 
Activities  and  the  Group  Games. 

G.  E.  Johnson:  "Play  as  a  Moral  Equivalent  of  War,"  The  Play~ 
ground,  Volume  VI,  pp.  111-12^. 

J.  E.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  chapter  xxv,  The  Fighting  Instinct. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Give  illustrations  from  your  own  experience  or  from  children's 
literature  of  a  child's  natural  responses  to  the  first  five  situations 
enumerated  by  Thorndike  in  the  collateral  reading. 

(a)  Being  interfered  with  in  any  bodily  movements  which  the 
individual  is  impelled  by  its  own  constitution  to  make. 

(b)  To  a  similar  situation,  excepl  that  interference  is  by  getting 
in  the  way  or  shoving. 

(c)  To  the  situation  "being  seized,  slapped,  chased,  or  bitten." 

(d)  To  the  situation  "sudden  pain." 


APPENDIX  A  403 

(e)  To  the  situation  "an  animal  of  the  same  species  toward 
whom  one  has  not  taken  the  attitude  of  submission  and 
who  does  not  take  it  toward  him." 

2.  Read  all  the  records  in  this  chapter.  Discriminate  between 
the  cases  where  fighting  seems  to  be  called  out  by  uncontrolled 
brute  force  occasioned  by  low  intelligence  and  the  cases  where 
fighting  results  from  the  desire  of  physical  prowess,  strategy,  skill, 
and  daring. 

3.  On  what  level  of  intelligence  do  you  place  the  sentinel  in 
Record  1?  What  social  habits  and  attitudes  would  you  strive  to 
develop  in  this  child?  Do  you  approve  or  disapprove  of  the  play 
leader's  policy  of  non-interference? 

4.  Indicate  how  the  type  of  fighting  play  seen  in  Record  3  could 
be  improved  (1)  as  regards  rules  of  fair  play;  (2)  as  regards  type  of 
experience  dramatized.  On  what  level  of  intelligence  would  you 
consider  children  who  persisted  in  plays  of  this  kind? 

5.  How  would  you  proceed  to  build  up  a  stock  of  ideas  which 
should  control  the  combative  tendency  and  develop  cooperation, 
sympathy,  and  fair  play  in  children?  How  eliminate  the  individ- 
ualistic responses?  Support  your  answer  by  several  illustrations. 
Indicate  how  this  method  would  apply  to  the  two  boys  in  Record  5. 

6.  What  experience  do  you  consider  should  precede  the  need  for 
the  following  rules:  (1)  boys  never  fight  girls;  (2)  one  never  fights  a 
smaller  or  a  weaker  playmate;  (3)  one  never  fights  a  child  wearing 
glasses? 

7.  What  treatment  or  changes  in  environment  might  avoid  the 
following  pugnacious  behavior: 

(a)  Where  a  boy  or  girl  falls  into  fights  coming  home  from 
school. 

(b)  Where  children  continually  quarrel  for  advantage  in  plays 
and  games. 

(c)  Where  an  infant  whose  will  is  crossed  continually  hits  and 
strikes  at  his  parents. 

(d)  Where  children  give  way  to  outbursts  of  temper  or  to 
combating  authority  through  "answering  back." 

8.  Submit  a  plan  for  the  education  of  the  combative  tendency  in 
girls  in  the  lower  primary  grades;  in  the  upper  primary  grades. 


404        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

.).  Submit  a  plan  for  boys  in  the  lower  primary  grades;  in  the 
upper  primary  grades. 

10.  Suggest  ways  in  which  the  activities  of  undesirable  gangs  may 
be  motivated,  controlled,  and  directed  toward  social  ends. 

1 1.  (.ranted  that  the  pugnacity  of  nations  resulting  in  warfare  is 
being  supplanted  by  emulation  in  industrial  and  commercial 
spheres,  what  possible  consequences  can  you  foresee  in  the  moral 
fibre  of  individuals  and  of  society? 

CHAPTER  IX 

Playing  Hospital  and  Funeral 

Collateral  Reading 
A.  B.  Gomme:  Dictionary  of  British  Folk-Lore.  Volumes  I  and  IL. 

I  Read  a  description  of  funeral  games  —  Booman,  Green  Grass, 
Green  Gravel,  Jenny  Jones,  Old  Roger,  Wallflowers.) 
A.    B.    Gommj  :  Ibid.,  Volume    II.   pp.    527-5.51.     (Discusses   the 
content  of  this  type  of  game 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  How  do  you  account  for  the  fact  that  savages  represent  their 
joys  and  sorrows  through  movement?  Look  through  several  folk- 
dance  books  for  samples  of  pantomimic  dances  illustrating  this  fact. 

2.  What  types  of  movement  do  children  use  to  indicate  pleasure, 
joy,  and  expectation?  Select  several  folk  dames  which  could  be 
used  to  express  such  moods.  Supply  children  with  a  happy 
experience  and  let  them  interprel  their  feelings  through  a  panto- 
mimic dance;  record  results. 

3.  What  types  of  movement  do  children  spontaneously  use  when 
disappointed,  dejected,  and  unhappy?  Will  they  pantomime  their 
sorrows  as  they  do  their  joys  and  pleasures?     Give  illustrations. 

4.  Do  children  realize  the  meaning  and  significance  of  the 
traditional  funeral  games?     Support  your  view  with  tact 

5.  Look  through  I  he  records  of  hospital  plays  for  examples  of  the 
exercise  of  the  social  instincts  —  motherly  behavior,  kindliness, 
sympathy,  and  desire  for  approval  and  display. 


APPENDIX  A  405 

6.  Analyze  Record  1  from  the  standpoint  of  instincts.  List  in 
order  of  importance  the  original  tendencies  which  made  this  play- 
appeal  to  the  children.  How  far  could  you  depend  upon  spon- 
taneous imitation  to  motivate  drill  in  connection  with  habits  of 
cleanliness  and  kindliness  and  with  the  care  of  the  sick? 

7.  After  reading  Record  3  explain  psychologically  the  elements 
which  made  this  play  attractive  to  the  one  enacting  the  chief  role 
and  to  those  playing  minor  roles. 

8.  Read  Record  4  and  indicate  whether  the  ignorance  of  these 
children  concerning  hygiene  is  due  to  low  intelligence  or  poor 
environment.  Could  knowledge  concerning  hygiene  be  taught 
through  play? 

9.  What  is  the  attitude  of  children  under  six  years  of  age  toward 
the  death  and  burial  of  pets?     Toward  the  funerals  of  grown-ups? 


CHAPTER  X 
Playing  Fireman 

Collateral  Reading 

G.  Sisson:  Studies  in  Education,  edited  by  Earl  Barnes,  First  Series, 
Stanford  University,  1896-97.  Children's  Plays.  (Presents  a 
study  of  spontaneous  play  among  kindergarten  children.) 

L.  A.  Palmer:  Play  Life  in  the  First  Eight  Years,  pp.  167-173. 

L.  H.  Gulick:  A  Philosophy  of  Play,  chapter  v,  Fire  Play. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Compare  the  repertoire  of  play  in  the  group  observed  by  Miss 
Sisson  with  the  repertoire  used  in  kindergartens  (1)  as  to  move- 
ment; (2)  as  to  quality  of  imitative-dramatic  action;  (3)  as  to  variety 
of  dramatization.  In  the  spontaneous  plays  was  the  children's 
attention  centered  upon  action  or  the  effects  of  action?  Control 
of  ideas,  or  free  outpouring  of  images  ?  Choice  of  means  to  reach 
ends,  or  imitation  of  some  leader's  copy? 

2.  After  studying  the  records  presented  in  this  chapter,  name  the 
values  which  you  consider  children  gain  from  freely  constructing 
plays  of  the  type  this  chapter  suggests. 


406        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

v  Indicate  how  playing  firemen,  trainmen,  and  policemen  and 
similar  dramatizations  may  become  for  children  a  means  of  par- 
ticipation in  real  life  activities  in  real  situations. 

4.  Indicate  in  what  ways  a  supervisor  could  inculcate  in  children 
through  dramatic  plays  (1)  a  stock  of  ideas  regarding  protection 
from  fire;  (2)  habits  of  quick  action  in  the  presence  of  fire, 
courage,  bravery,  and  protection  of  the  weak  and  helpless. 

5.  Criticize  the  toys  commonly  sold  to  represent  children's 
ideas  of  firemen  and  policemen.  Plan  three  toys  you  consider  of 
possible  educational  value  in  connection  with  playing  fireman. 

6.  Name  five  stories  which  you  consider  to  have  unusual  educa- 
tional value  for  children ;  confine  your  list  to  stories  which  would  lead 
to  dramatizations  of  fire. 


CHAPTER  XI 
Playing  Animals 

Collateral  Reading 

A.  M.  Kkackowizer:  Projects  in  the  Primary  Grades,  pp.  120-154. 
(Gives  suggestive  outlines  for  nature  study  from  a  functional 
viewpoint.) 

N.  Norsworthy  and  M.  T.  Whitley:  The  Psychology  of  Childhood, 
pp.  60-63.     (Discusses  kindliness,  sympathy,  and  cruelty.) 

J.  and  E.  Dewey:  Schools  of  Tomorrow,  pp.  So- 102.  (Tells  what 
progressive  schools  are  doing  in  providing  for  contact  of 
animals.) 

S.  Blow:  Mottoes  and  Commentaries  on  Froebel's  Mother  Play, 
chapters  xiv  and  xix.  (Gives  pictures  and  Proebel's  commen- 
taries on  training  the  child's  attitudes  and  habits  with  animals.) 

C.  Johnson:  When  Mother  Lets  Us  Keep  Pets. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  In  what  way  do  you  approve  or  disapprove  of  Froebel's  con- 
ceptions of  the  child's  relationship  to  nature  and  to  animals? 

2.  How  do   Froebel's  ideas  concerning   training   in   sympathy 
compare  with  those  in  the  reference  in  The  Psychology  of  Childhood/ 


APPENDIX  A  407 

3.  When  a  child  discovers  birds,  fish,  reptiles,  and  the  like,  in 
close  proximity,  what  are  likely  to  be  his  first  native  reactions  to 
each?     How  far  will  training  and  experience  modify  his  behavior? 

4.  At  what  age  would  you  initiate  children  into  information 
regarding  the  habits  and  group  life  of  the  various  animals  with 
which  they  come  in  contact? 

5.  At  approximately  what  ages  can  children  assume  part  of  the 
care  of  pets?  At  what  ages  can  they  assume  entire  responsibility 
for  them? 

6.  What  animals  would  you  include  in  a  list  of  pets  which  a  child 
should  know  in  the  kindergarten?  What  part  does  environment 
play  in  determining  your  selection?  What  part  does  use  play  in 
your  selection? 

7.  Is  it  better  to  have  animals  out  of  their  place  or  not  at  all  in 
school  districts  where  there  is  no  adequate  provision  for  a  zoo? 

8.  Can  work  in  nature  study  profit  by  trips  to  museums?  Do 
you  approve  of  stuffed  animals? 

9.  Of  what  importance  is  "playing  care  for  animals"  as  a  prep- 
aration for  actual  responsibility  toward  them? 

10.  Cite  examples  of  cruelty  springing  from  the  instincts  of 
curiosity  and  manipulation. 

11.  Give  examples  of  the  type  of  training  in  sympathy  which  is 
likely  to  degenerate  into  sentimentalism. 

12.  Name  ten  cases  of  cruelty  to  animals  and  point  out  how 
kindliness,  sympathy,  and  helpfulness  can  be  established  through 
awakening  interest  in  the  lives  of  animals  and  through  generating  a 
sense  of  responsibility  toward  them. 

13.  In  teaching  children  to  protect  animals  in  their  play,  what 
points  do  you  consider  could  be  best  emphasized  in  dramatic  play, 
and  what  points  could  be  stressed  when  on  hikes  and  during  visits 
to  a  zoo? 

14.  Find  in  your  experience  examples  of  the  modification  of  un- 
desirable native  responses  toward  animals,  cruelty,  teasing,  and 
bullying. 


408        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

CHAPTER  XII 

Miscellaneous  Collection  of  Dramatic  Plays 

Collateral  Reading 
A.  F.  Chamberlain:  The  Child,  chapter  vi,  The  Arts  of  Childhood. 
W.  H.  Kilpatrick:  "The  Project  Method,"  Teachers  College  Record, 

Volume  XXII,  No.  4.  (Emphasizes  the  value  of  a  self- 
initiated  project  in  education.) 

J.  and  E.  Dewey:  Schools  of  Tomorrow,  pp.  107-124.  (Gives  illus- 
trations of  constructive  activities  involving  the  use  of  the  play- 
motive  and  dramatic  situation.) 

J.  L.  Merriam:  Child  Life  and  the  Curriculum,  chapter  xiv,  School 
Studies  —  Handwork. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  After  reading  the  spontaneous  dramatic  plays  recorded  in 
this  chapter  analyze  the  original  tendencies  back  of  each  one. 
Show  how  the  same  tendencies  would  support  work  along  similar 
lines  —  boating,  dressmaking,  mending  shoes,  and  the  like. 

2.  Select  five  illustrations  of  purposive  play  activities  in  which 
you  consider  interest  to  be  keen  enough  to  act  as  a  driving  force 
and  to  desired  ends.  Illustrate  how  these  five  play  activities  could 
develop  into  group  projects  which  might  involve  knowledge  and 
technique  in  the  subjects  of  the  elementary  school. 

3.  Show  how  building  boats,  constructing  sewing  machines, 
making  hats,  and  the  like  demand  a  knowledge  of  number,  form, 
and  color  and  the  application  of  facts  and  laws  from  varied  sources. 

4.  What  are  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  in  so-called 
project  teaching?  What  checks  and  drills  do  you  consider 
necessary? 

CHAPTER  XIII 

The  Dramatic  Plays  of  One  Child 

Collateral  Reading 
R.  S.  Woodworth:  Psychology,  Study  oj  the  Mental  Life,  chapter 
xix.  Imagination,  pp.  481-8. 


APPENDIX  A  409 

G.  E.  Johnson:  Education  by  Plays  and  Games,  pp.  83-95. 

L.  E.  Appleton:  A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of  Adult 

Savages  and  Civilized  Children,  pp.    56-61.     (Discusses  play 

life  for  the  first  four  years  of  childhood.) 
C.   W.   Waddle:   Introduction   to   Child   Psychology,   pp.    133-138. 

(Discusses  what  children  play  during  the  first  three  years  of 

life.) 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Study  the  dramatic  plays  recorded  for  the  second,  third,  and 
fourth  years  respectively.  Present  the  outstanding  facts  concern- 
ing the  dramatic  plays  of  each  year,  bearing  in  mind  the  physical  and 
mental  welfare  of  the  child. 

2.  What  determines  the  differences  in  the  early  dramatic  plays 
of  civilized  children  and  savages? 

3.  Select  five  typical  plays  from  among  the  records  and  show 
later  stages  necessitated  by  growth  in  movements  and  ideas. 

4.  From  a  perusal  of  the  records  what  opinions  do  you  form 
regarding  the  part  age,  sex,  and  custom  play  in  the  choice  of  ex- 
periences to  be  dramatized? 

5.  List  the  plays  recorded  under  the  following  heads:  (1)  those 
depicting  animal  activities;  (2)  home  activities;  (3)  trade  activities. 
Show  the  relation  between  the  interest  in  each  type  of  play  and  such 
original  tendencies  as  manipulation,  multiform  physical  activity, 
curiosity,  motherliness,  sociability,  and  the  like. 

6.  When  do  constructive  activities  enter  into  dramatizations? 
What  is  the  usual  order,  from  constructive  to  dramatic  or  from 
dramatic  to  constructive? 

7.  What  do  you  notice  regarding  the  span  of  attention  during  the 
first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  years?  How  do  you  account  for  the 
fact  that  some  of  the  dramatic  plays  are  very  short  while  others 
occupy  fully  an  hour? 

8.  Read  the  reference  on  Imagination  and  then  observe  a  group  of 
children  in  dramatic  games.  Give  ten  samples  of  so-called  fancy 
and  indicate  what  the  child  is  in  reality  doing  through  such  mental 
play. 

9.  Trace  growth  in  children's  uses  of  objects  to  represent  ideas. 
Select  several  examples  from  the  dramatic  plays  in  this  chapter  and 
from  your  own  experience. 


41 0        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

10.  What  plays  recorded  in  this  chapter  seem  to  you  strikingly 
symbolic  in  the  uses  to  which  objects  are  put?  Is  this  symbolic 
play  real  to  the  child  in  the  sense  in  which  actual  experience  is  real 
to  you?  Contrast  the  meaning  and  significance  to  a  child  three 
years  of  age  of  a  tea-party  where  everything  is  imagined  and 
another  where  exact  service  is  used.  Do  the  same  for  a  child  be- 
tween seven  and  nine  years. 

CHAPTER  XIV 
The    Meaning   and   Significance   of    Movement 

Collateral  Reading 

L.  M.  Terman:  The  Hygiene  of  the  School  Child,  chapter  xvi,  The 
Nervous  Child. 

F.  Warner:  The  Study  of  Children,  pp.  51-96.  (Movements 
classified  and  described.) 

X.  Oppenheim:  The  Physical  Development  of  the  Child,  chapter  v. 
(Discusses  the  activities  of  the  kindergarten  and  primary 
school  from  the  standpoint  of  physical  welfare.) 

B.  T.  Baldwin:  Physical  Growth  and  School  Progress,  Bulletin 
No.  10,  1914,  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education,  pp.  144-152.  (Pre- 
sents some  general  conclusions  in  regard  to  the  height  and 
weight  of  school  children.) 

J.  M.  Tyler:  Growth  and  Education,  chapter  v,  Growth  of  the 
Neuro-Muscular  System. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  In  your  opinion,  what  factors  in  the  organization  of  society 
militate  against  securing  for  children  a  complete  physical  develop- 
ment in  the  years  before  school  age?  In  the  primary  grades  up  to 
the  tenth  year? 

2.  What  methods  and  materials  can  parents  use  to  assist  children 
to  build  up  a  good  supply  of  automatic  acts,  such  as  running, 
walking,  and  reaching? 

3.  How  far  do  modern  investigations  of  conditions  of  growth  in 
childhood  warrant  us  to  go  in  subscribing  to  a  rough  order  of 
muscular  development  ?     Support  your  argument  by  facts.     What 


APPENDIX   A  411 

are  the  bearings  of  these  facts  on  the  choice  of  graded  games  or 
play  apparatus  for  any  selected  group  of  children? 

4.  Are  you  willing  to  follow  up  experimental  evidence  that 
certain  muscles  have  reached  the  height  of  their  development  by 
planning  exercises  for  the  corresponding  muscular  coordinations 
which  are  ripe  for  action?  What  physical  standards  or  goals  would 
you  set?  Illustrate  in  climbing  the  rope  ladder,  in  swinging  on  the 
traveling  rings,  and  in  vising  the  horizontal  bars,  selecting  a  definite 
physical  age  for  the  children  you  plan  to  help. 

5.  How  far  are  you  willing  to  go  in  prescribing  certain  definite 
ways  of  rolling  hoops,  throwing  balls,  shooting  at  targets,  and  the 
like?  Upon  what  tests  do  you  base  your  conclusions  regarding  the 
advisability  of  these  set  goals?  At  what  stage  in  each  activity  would 
you  teach  selected  movements? 

6.  Give  five  illustrations  of  the  best  educational  procedure  to 
use  in  planning  for  running  games  suitable  for  children  from  three 
to  seven  years  and  from  seven  to  nine  years  of  age. 

7.  Granted  that  there  should  be  full  provision  for  the  spon- 
taneous exercise  of  all  bodily  movements  before  attempting  to 
bring  them  under  voluntary  control,  what  recognition  would  you 
make  of  this  fact  in  a  gymnasium  period?  Would  there  be  separate 
days  for  "free  choice''?  How  much  group  work  would  you  plan, 
and  when? 

8.  What  mistakes  have  been  made  in  the  selection  of  materials 
for  the  kindergarten?  For  the  first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  grades 
respectively? 

9.  Approximately  what  length  of  time  should  a  recitation  period 
of  the  "sit  still"  kind  last  in  the  first,  second,  and  third  grades 
respectively?  What  subjects  in  the  primary  grades  admit  of  work- 
shop teaching,  thus  eliminating  repression  of  movements?  What 
freedom  of  posture,  position,  and  movement  do  large  kindergarten 
floor  materials  permit  as  contrasted  with  materials  to  be  used  on 
tables? 

10.  Classify  as  to  cause  some  of  the  most  common  nervous 
movements  of  children. 

11.  What  school  subjects  have  profited  most  by  scientific  in- 
vestigations concerning  the  muscles  used  in  fine  coordinations? 
What  changes  in  practice  have  resulted  from  these  investigations? 


412        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

12.  In  regard  to  improvement  in  acquiring  any  new  series  of 
movements  show  the  importance  of  (i)  consciousness  of  a  definite 
goal;  (2)  speedy  working  of  the  law  of  effect;  (3)  desire  to  improve; 
(4)  interest  in  the  process.  Support  your  points  by  illustrations  in 
teaching  dancing,  swimming,  tennis,  and  croquet. 

13.  At  what  ages  are  the  following  statements  approximately  true? 

(a)  Children  like  to  roll,  slide,  climb,  pound,  jump,  and  use  the 
entire  body  in  large  free  movements. 

(b)  These  same  activitier,  are  engaged  in  through  competition 
in  games  or  in  play  with  apparatus. 

(c)  Plays  are  largely  individualistic.     Participation  by  others 
is  not  necessary  and  is  sometimes  resented. 

(d)  Objects  are  desired  that  stimulate  the  senses,  yet  demand 
little  manipulative  skill. 

(e)  Materials  providing  scope  for  the  imagination,  but  involv- 
ing the  smaller  muscles,  have  a  special  appeal. 

(f)  Play  is  decreasingly  solitary  and  increasingly  competitive, 
and  demands  finer  manipulation  with  the  hands  and  feet. 

CHAPTER  XV 

The  Value  of  Games  of  Skill  and  Play  Apparatus 
in  Motor  Education 

Collateral  Reading 

M.  Montessori:  The  Montessori  Method,  chapter  ix.  (Discusses 
special  gymnastics  for  small  children  and  indicates  the  value  of 
gymnastic  apparatus.) 

A.  C.  Sies:  "Problems  in  Sensory-motor  Education  Involving  the 
Selection  of  Play  Materials  and  Apparatus  for  Small  Chil- 
dren," The  Kindergarten  and  First  Grade,  Volume  I,  No.  2. 
(Describes  suitable  play  apparatus  for  small  children.) 

Catalogues  of  Athletic  Supplies. 

L.  H.  Gulick:  .1  Philosophy  of  Play,  chapter  xii,  Play  and  Physical 
Growth. 

L.  H.  Gulick:  "Psychological,  Pedagogical,  and  Religious  Aspects 
of   Group    Games,"    Pedagogical   Seminary,  Volume   VI,  pp. 


APPENDIX   A  413 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Look  over  several  catalogues  of  athletic  supplies  and  select 
six  pieces  of  apparatus  which  will  help  children  tinder  seven  years  of 
age  in  the  achievement  of  the  ordinary  physical  acts  of  life  such  as 
walking,  reaching,  and  running.  Do  the  same  for  children  from 
seven  to  ten  years  of  age. 

2.  In  play  on  apparatus  and  in  games  show  how  cooperation, 
rivalry,  competition,  and  repetition  are  a  help  to  children  in  working 
for  specific  skills. 

3.  State  what  practical  judgments,  foresight  of  consequences, 
comparisons,  and  observations  are  likely  to  be  made  in  the  following 
plays  and  games  of  skill;  ring  toss,  marbles,  rolling  hoops,  sailing 
kites,  blowing  bubbles,  climbing,  and  jumping  toward  a  mark. 

4.  List  ten  games  of  skill  involving  the  exercise  of  the  entire  body, 
which  are  likely  to  be  invented  by  children  under  seven  years  of  age. 
List  ten  games  of  skill  for  children  from  seven  to  nine  years  of  age 
involving  the  exercise  of  specific  parts  of  the  body  yet  demanding 
cooperation  from  the  entire  body. 

5.  Name  ten  games  or  exercises  of  skill  involving  the  use  of  the 
smaller  muscles. 

6.  Plan  a  series  of  ball  games  involving  increased  skill  in  throwing 
or  striking  toward  a  mark  or  in  catching  balls. 

7.  Make  a  list  of  play  material,  games,  and  puzzles  to  be  used  in 
the  acquisition  of  skill. 

8.  Point  out  how  the  development  of  skill  in  games  invokes 
experimentation  and  selection  of  good  copy.  Illustrate  in  the 
following  games  or  exercises:  Cat  and  Rat,  dancing,  swimming, 
performing  stunts  on  apparatus,  juggling. 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Kicking, 

Creeping,    Climbing,    Walking,    Running, 

Skipping,  Leaping,  and  Jumping 

Collateral  Reading 

L.  A.  Palmer:  Play  Life  in  the  First  Eight  Years,  pp.  28-40.     (A 
discussion  of  movement  plays  in  the  first  eight  years.) 


414         SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED    PLAY 

X.  McGhee:  "A  Study  in  the  Play  Life  of  Some  South  Carolina 

Children,"  Pedagogical  Seminary,  Volume  VII,  pp.  459-47X. 

(Gives   a  list   of  games   in   which    running   is  the   dominant 

interest.) 
A.  W.  Trettien:  "Creeping  and  Walking,"  American  Journal  of 

Psychology,  Volume  XII,  p.  31. 
E.  J.  Swift:  Mind  in  the  Making,  chapter  vi.  The  Psychology  of 

Learning. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Plan  ten  games  involving  running,  arranging  the  games  in 
order  of  progression  from  those  involving  pleasure  in  simple  exercise 
to  those  whose  aim  is  acquiring  speed,  strength,  and  endurance. 
Plan  ten  more  games  where  the  chief  interest  is  in  strategy,  rivalry, 
and  competition  between  opposing  teams.  Indicate  also  how 
cooperation  among  members  of  the  team  leads  to  exercise  of  the 
social  instincts. 

2.  What  set  goals  or  physical  coordinations  do  you  consider 
should  be  required  in  connection  with  running  games:  (1)  for 
children  under  seven  years;  (2)  for  children  under  ten  years? 
Support  your  conclusions  by  facts  concerning  the  physical  develop- 
ment of  children. 

3.  Plan  some  kicking,  creeping,  and  running  plays  which  a  mother 
would  be  justified  in  using  with  children  under  three  years  of  age. 
Support  your  plan  by  facts  concerning  the  physical  developmi 
children  under  three  years  of  age. 

4.  Describe  ten  games  involving  jumping.  Show  the  progression 
from  games  in  which  pleasure  in  simple  jumping  is  the  chief  element 
to  games  involving  rivalry,  competition,  and  display. 

5.  What  checks  and  safeguards  in  running  and  jumping  would 
you  require  from  girls  between  the  years  nine  and  twelve? 

6.  Plan  ten  pieces  of  apparatus  to  be  used  in  a  playroom  for 
children  under  ten  years  of  age,  especially  designed  for  the  progres- 
sive development  of  creeping,  walking,  climbing,  and  jumping 
activities. 

7.  Describe  ten  climbing  acts  in  which  the  muscles  of  trunk,  legs, 
and  arms  cooperate.  Contrast  the  development  gained  in  this  way 
with  formal  gymnastics  planned  to  exercise  the  entire  body. 


APPENDIX  A  415 

8.  What  periods  of  accelerated  growth  in  sets  of  muscles  occur 
in  children  under  twelve  years  of  age?  Connect  these  periods 
of  rapid  growth  with  children's  spontaneous  plays  during  these 
periods. 

9.  Give  several  illustrations  to  show  how  children  arrive  at 
"plateaus"  in  experimentation  on  play  apparatus.  Diagnose  the 
trouble.     Show  how  to  proceed  in  each  case. 

10.  Supply  the  missing  numerals  in  the  following  statements: 

a.  In  lung  capacity  and  strength  of  grip,  girls  do  not  measure 
up  to  boys  at years  of  age. 

b.  There  is  an  accelerated  increase  in  growth  of  bones,  especi- 

ally in  the  long  ones,  at years. 

c.  Children  prefer  games  with  definite  rules  at  years. 

d.  Play  in  definite  groups  is  preferred;  there  is  a  beginning  of 
cooperative  team  work  at years. 

e.  The  aim  in  performing  stunts  or  games  of  skill  is  usually 
speed  and  accuracy  at years  of  age. 

f.  Interest  in  running  is  at  its  height  at years. 

g.  At  approximately years  of  age  chasing,  doll  play  and 

mere  imitative  games  decline,  while  team  games,  games  of 
chance,  rhythmic  exercises,  and  athletics  are  more  popular. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Swinging, 

Sliding,  and  Other  Effortless  Movement 

Plays 

Collateral  Reading 

W.  W.  Newell:  Games  and  Songs  of  American  Children,  chapter 

viii.     (Discusses  games  involving  pleasures  of  motion.) 
H.  S.  Curtis:  The  Practical  Conduct  of  Play,  chapter  v. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1 .  What  is  the  physiological  basis  of  pleasure  in  effortless  motion 
as  contrasted  with  pleasure  in  active  exercise? 

2.  Name  ten  sports  involving  pleasure  in  effortless  motion. 
Name  ten  plays  in  which  exercise  precedes  effortless  movement. 


416        SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

3.  How  can  current  criticism  of  the  use  of  swings  in  playgrounds 
be  met  by  improvement  in  the  various  kinds  of  swinging  apparatus 
and  in  methods  of  installing  it? 

4.  Discuss  the  physiological  benefits  which  children  under  ten 
years  of  age  derive  from  swinging  and  sliding. 

5.  Describe  some  of  the  harmful  effects  resulting  from  the  use  of 
several  kinds  of  whirligigs  or  the  commercial  merry-go-rounds  and 
from  the  use  of  see-saws  and  swings. 

6.  Discuss  the  value  of  supervision  in  the  use  of  the  slides  and 
swings. 

7.  How  do  you  account  for  the  large  number  of  wheeled  toys  on 
the  market?  What  two-wheeled  toys  or  vehicles  would  you  select 
for  a  four-year-old  child;  for  a  six-  and  an  eight-year-old  child?' 

8.  What  ages  would  you  consider  best  for  using  the  velocipede, 
the  bicycle,  roller  and  ice  skates,  skis,  and  snow-shoes? 

9.  Plan  a  series  of  stunts  to  be  performed  on  the  trapeze  swings 
or  on  the  giant  stride,  demanding  progress  in  ideas  and  physical 
coordinations  concerned  with  hanging,  swinging,  and  jumping. 

10.  Name  a  series  of  cautions  to  be  used  in  connection  with  play 
on  each  piece  of  apparatus  mentioned  in  this  chapter. 

11.  Illustrate  how  growth  in  learning  takes  place  in  any  series 
of  acts  connected  with  skating,  sliding,  or  riding  a  bicycle. 

CHAPTER  Will 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Dancing 
and  Swimming 

Collateral  Reading 

E.  Jaques-DalCROZE:   Rhythm,    Music  and  Education,  chapter  ix, 

Rhythm  and  Creative  Imagination. 
K.  Groos:  Play  of  Man.  pp..  89-92.     (A  discussion  of  dancing.) 
E.  W.   CURTIS:   The  Dramatic  Instinct  in   Education,  chapter  viii, 

I  )ancing. 
R.  St.  Johnson:  .1  History  of  Dancing. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Show  the  evolution  of  the  dance  in  children's  spontaneous 
play.     Plan  a  series  of  pantomimes  or  dances  likely  to  be  invented 


APPENDIX  A  417 

by  children  under  seven  years  of  age.     Do  the  same  for  children 
between  the  ages  of  seven  and  nine. 

2.  Apply  the  laws  of  learning  to  the  art  of  teaching  dancing. 
Indicate  your  method  of  developing  spontaneous,  sincere  expression, 
originality,  and  grace. 

3.  Describe  the  various  ways  in  which  music  may  be  used  in  the 
teaching  of  dancing. 

4.  Plan  a  series  of  dances  representing:  (1)  joyful  moods  of 
nature;  (2)  tempestuous  moods  of  nature;  (3)  joyful  work  as  repre- 
sented in  the  trades;  (4)  the  work  of  toilers;  (5)  characteristic 
movements  of  animals;  (6)  war.  In  all  of  these  show  progression 
from  simple  gestures  or  pantomimes  to  highly  organized  interpreta- 
tive dances. 

5.  Describe  five  common  errors  you  have  noticed  in  the  teaching 
of  dancing  or  of  swimming. 

6.  What  set  physical  goals  or  coordinations  do  you  consider  should 
be  demanded  of  pupils  in  dancing  and  in  swimming  at  seven  years? 
At  twelve  years?  Support  your  demands  by  known  facts  regarding 
periods  of  growth  and  the  rough  order  of  muscular  development. 

7.  Criticize  favorably  and  unfavorably  several  well-known 
systems  of  dancing. 

8.  Indicate  the  part  played  by  knowledge  and  feeling  in  inter- 
pretative dancing.  Where  can  you  demand  uniformity  of  expres- 
sion?    Where  is  diversity  necessary? 

9.  In  teaching  folk  dancing  is  it  ever  advisable  to  change  the 
content  or  form  of  the  dance?     Support  your  answer. 

10.  What  is  the  place  of  swimming  in  the  elementary  school? 
In  the  program  of  the  playground? 

CHAPTER  XIX 

Movements  of  Gross  Bodily  Control:  Throwing, 
Rolling,  and  Spinning  Plays 

Collateral  Reading 

R.  A.  Archer:  "Spontaneous  Constructions  and  Primitive  Ac- 
tivities of  Children  Analogous  to  Those  of  Primitive  Man," 
American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Volume  XXI,  pp.  144-9. 
(Gives  an  analysis  of  throwing.) 


41 8        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

A.  B.  Go.mmk:   Dictionary  of  British  Folk-Lore,  Volume  I,  Part  I, 

pp.  13-17.     (A  collection  of  ball  games.) 
W.  W.   NEWELL:  Camcs  and  Songs  of  American  Children,  chapter 

xiii.     (Describes  ball  and  similar  sports.) 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1 .  Plan  ten  throwing  games  which  will  be  suited  to  children 
under  three  years.  Plan  another  series  of  throwing  games  for 
children  of  kindergarten  age;  another  for  children  from  nine  to 
twelve  years  of  age.  Support  your  plan  by  known  facts  regarding 
the  throwing  propensity  during  these  periods. 

2.  What  requirements  or  physical  coordinations  used  in  throwing 
do  you  consider  it  is  necessary  to  demand  at  successive  periods  of 
development  in  childhood? 

3.  Name  a  number  of  serious  throwing  acts  used  by  savages, 
which  have  been  handed  down  to  children  as  play  activities. 

4.  Consider  the  beneficial  result  upon  the  circulation,  respiration, 
and  digestion  of  participation  in  throwing  games.  Compare  with 
the  effects  of  formal  gymnastics. 

5.  At  what  age  is  interest  in  throwing  at  its  height?  When  does 
the  tendency  wane? 

6.  Describe  the  use  of  judgment  and  imagination  in  the  acquisi- 
tion of  skill  through  rolling,  spinning,  and  throwing  plays. 

7.  Criticize  a  number  of  throwing  games  which  have  been  in- 
vented for  commercial  purposes.  Support  your  criticism  by  known 
facts  concerning  muscular  development.  Invent  some  better 
games. 

8.  Does  the  fact  that  throwing  is  no  longer  economically  neces- 
sary in  modern  society  affect  the  place  of  throwing  activities  in 
childhood  education?     Support  your  answer. 

9.  Plan  some  spinning  plays  which  afford  better  muscular 
coordinations  than  are  built  up  in  the  use  of  small  commercial 
spinning  toys. 

10.  Would  you  show  a  child  how  to  throw  a  ball,  hold  a  bat,  or 
spin  a  top  before  or  after  he  has  attempted  to  perform  each  act? 


APPENDIX  A  419 

CHAPTER  XX 

The  Significance  of  Manipulation  as  a  Play 
Activity 

Collateral  Reading 

G.  C.  Meyers:  "Grasping,  Reaching  and  Handling,"  American 

Journal  of  Psychology,  191 5. 
J.  Lee:  Play  in  Education,  chapter  xiv,  Manipulation;  chapter  xv, 

Construction. 
A.  L.  Gesell:  The  Normal  Child  and  Primary  Education,  chapter 

xiii,  Handiwork. 
M.  E.  Wells:  A  Project  Curriculum,  Section  I. 
E.    B.    Kent:    The    Constructive   Interests    of   Children.     Doctor's 

dissertation.     Columbia  University. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  What  is  the  relation  of  the  instinct  of  manipulation  to  courses 
in  practical  arts  in  the  first  four  grades? 

2.  At  what  age  is  there  the  greatest  disparity  between  expres- 
sion and  technique?  Show  what  allowance  you  would  make  for 
lack  of  technique  in  planning  the  manual  activities  of  the  kinder- 
garten. Indicate  how  you  would  work  for  improvement  in  tech- 
nique. 

3.  At  what  ages  do  children  draw,  paint,  sew,  and  mold  clay 
from  models?  Are  there  any  scientific  studies  to  indicate  a  path 
of  procedure  as  regards  the  use  of  models  at  any  particular  age? 

4.  Criticize  the  exclusive  use  of  projects  in  relation  to  (1) 
acquiring  technique  in  an  orderly  sequence  of  events;  (2)  acquiring 
knowledge  through  a  variety  of  ways;  (3)  providing  drill  in  a 
variety  of  situations. 

5.  Name  a  number  of  projects  which  children  at  any  given  age 
might  propose  and  by  which  they  might  gain  manipulative  skill  in 
a  variety  of  ways. 

6.  Indicate  along  what  lines  you  would  plan  different  manual 
activities  for  girls  and  boys.  Is  the  difference  a  matter  of  applica- 
tion or  does  it  concern  the  relative  native  abilities  of  the  sexes? 


420        SPONTANEOUS   AND    SUPERVISED    PLAY 

7.  Plan  a  considerable  number  of  objects  which  would  be  suitable 
for  children  under  three  years  of  age  to  handle  and  manipulate. 

Make  a  list  of  play  materials  for  use  in  the  kindergarten;  for  the 
first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  grades  respectively. 

8.  How  far  would  you  he  willing  to  trust  a  child  to  choose  his 
own  line  of  manual  experimentation?  What  standards  and  results 
would  you  develop  in  an  activity  once  chosen?  Illustrate  your 
point  by  a  project  which  children  in  any  given  grade  might  select 
and  execute. 

g.  Show  how  practical  judgments  and  training  in  observation, 
comparison,  and  the  like  enter  into  all  manual  activities.  Illustrate 
in  boat  making,  in  building  with  blocks,  or  in  stringing  heads. 

10.  From  a  study  of  Kent's  The  Constructive  Interests  of  Children, 
make  two  lists  showing  ( 1 )  the  most  common  and  instinctive  manual 
plays;  (2)  the  most  valuable  ones  for  the  evolution  of  society. 

11.  Fill  in  the  blanks  with  the  appropriate  age  or  sex: 

a.  -  -  are  more  likely  to  use  carpenter's  tools,  experiment 
with  levers  or  pulleys,  water  power  and  electricity  than 
are . 

b.  -        —  enjoy  rhythmic  games  more  than  —      — . 

c.  Interest  in  doll-play  is  rapidly  disappearing  at years. 

d.  —  like  constructive  activities  connected  with  cooking, 

sewing,  and  dressmaking  at  years  of  age. 

e.  Juggling  with  the  hands  and  feet  is  often  practiced  with 
enjoyment  at years  of  age. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
Spontaneous  Play  in  the  Earth 

Collateral  Reading 
G.  S.  Hall  and  Others:  "The  Story  of  a  Sand  Pile,"  Aspects  0} 

Child  Life  and  Edtn  ation. 
H.  S.  Curtis:  The  Practical  Conduct  of  Play,  pp.  48-57-     (Discusses 

the  appeal  of  sand,  also  the  construction  and  care  of  sand  bins.) 
E.  V.  Dobbs:  Primary  Handwork,  chapter  vi,  Sand  Tables  and  What 

tu  Do  with  Them. 


APPENDIX  A  421 

J.  L.  Randall:  Educative  and  Economic  Possibilities  of  School- 
Directed  Home  Gardening  in  Richmond,  Indiana,  U.  S.  Bureau 
of  Education,  Bulletin  1917,  Nov.  6. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  After  reading  the  records  of  spontaneous  play  in  the  sand, 
plan  ways  and  means  of  utilizing  this  activity  in  the  first  four  grades 
of  the  elementary  school. 

2.  Show  how  work  in  the  sand  table  or  in  sand  bins  may  be 
correlated  with  work  in  geography,  history,  art,  nature  study, 
arithmetic,  literature,  and  the  like. 

3.  In  what  ways  do  manipulation  and  molding  with  sand  and 
clay  lead  to  observation  and  judgment  about  form  and  size? 

4.  What  is  the  chief  educational  consideration  for  giving  garden- 
ing an  important  place  in  the  school  curriculum?  What  are  some 
of  the  secondary  reasons  for  its  educational  significance? 

5.  Make  a  list  of  toys  which  you  consider  would  not  hinder  actual 
experience  in  handling  and  molding  sand.  Name  the  sand  toys 
which  you  consider  do  hinder  real  development  of  manipulative 
abilities. 

6.  What  is  the  scope  and  purpose  of  work  in  clay  (1)  from  the 
standpoint  of  appreciation  of  form  and  color;  (2)  from  gaining  the 
ability  to  externalize  feelings  and  ideas  in  material  form;  (3)  from 
training  in  manipulative  skill?  Describe  some  projects  which 
children  in  any  given  grade  might  purpose  and  execute. 

CHAPTER  XXII 
Spontaneous  Play  with  Fire  and  Water 

Collateral  Reading 

C.  E.  Brown  and  G.  S.  Hall:  "Children's  Ideas  of  Fire,  Heat, 
Frost  and  Cold,"  Pedagogical  Seminary,  Volume  X. 

F.  E.  Bolton:  "Hydro  Psychosis,"  American  Journal  of  Psychology, 
Volume  X,  pp.  169-227. 

H.  S.  Curtis:  The  Practical  Conduct  of  Play,  chapter  vif  Swimming 
Pools,  also  chapter  iv,  pp.  45-48. 


422         SPONTANEOUS   AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Questions  and  Exercises 

i.  How  would  you  begin  in  babyhood  to  teach  children  to 
protect  themselves  from  fire?  Where  prescribe  prohibitions  and 
punishments? 

2.  Plan  an  environment  for  rural  children  affording  abundant 
opportunity  for  experimentation  with  water.  Indicate  how  you 
have  made  provision  for  (i)  big  muscle  activity;  (2)  experimentation 
with  water  as  a  motor  power;  (3)  knowledge  of  boats  of  all  kinds; 
(4)  knowledge  of  water  creatures. 

3.  Plan  a  wading  pool  for  children  under  ten  years  of  age  and  a 
swimming  pool  for  children  of  all  ages  —  both  suitable  for  a  large 
city  playground  in  a  congested  district.  Indicate  the  play  materials 
you  would  provide  for  use  in  the  wading  pool,  also  the  water  sports 
you  would  develop  in  connection  with  the  swimming  pool.  How 
would  you  provide  for  the  sanitation  of  both  wading  and  swimming 
pools? 

4.  Plan  an  aquarium  for  children  under  seven  years  of  age.  Do 
the  same  for  children  from  seven  to  twelve  years.  Indicate  how 
experience  with  an  aquarium  may  lead  to  (1)  an  understanding  of 
the  habits  and  the  life  history  of  aquatic  creatures;  (2)  provision 
for  the  needs  of  these  creatures  in  the  artificial  environment ;  (3) 
growth  in  nurture  and  responsibility  for  the  lives  of  aquatic 
creatures. 

5.  Show  how  experimentation  with  water  as  a  natural  force 
leads  to  an  understanding  of  the  laws  of  physics  and  of  chemistry. 
Give  illustrations  to  support  the  points  made. 

6.  What  uses  should  the  school  make  of  the  propensity  for 
fire-playing?  Indicate  an  educational  program  which  would  lead 
children  to  understand  the  dangers  of  fire-playing,  yet  would  afford 
some  opportunity  for  experimentation  with  fire. 

7.  How  can  the  school  utilize  interest  in  a?sthetic  appreciation 
of  fire  in  connection  with  school  celebrations  and  pageants? 

8.  After  a  perusal  of  the  records  in  this  chapter  plan  a  series  of 
commercial  water  toys  which  might  appeal  to  the  constructive 
interest  of  children  and  train  them  in  ingenuity  and  inventiveness. 
Indicate  how  various  kinds  of  blocks  and  mechanical  constructive 
sets  can  be  used  in  inventing  machinery  connected  with  water  power. 


APPENDIX  A  423 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

Visual  Exploration 

Collateral  Reading 

K.  Groos:  The  Play  of  Man,  pp.  54-74.  (Treats  in  scholarly  way- 
perception  of  color,  form,  and  movement;  should  be  supple- 
mented by  more  recent  findings  in  psychology.) 

Visual  Education,  Volumes  I  and  II.  (A  casual  survey  of  this 
magazine  will  indicate  modern  investigations  in  connection 
with  visual  education.) 

J.  M.  Baldwin:  Mental  Development  in  the  Child  and  the  Race, 
chapter  iii,  Distance  and  Color  Perception  by  Infants. 

D.  R.  Major:  First  Steps  in  Mental  Growth,  chapter  vi,  Color. 

R.  Pintner:  "Esthetic  Appreciation  of  Pictures  by  Children," 
Pedagogical  Seminary,  Volume  XXV,  pp.  216-218. 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  Describe  ten  vital,  engaging  experiences  which  children 
between  seven  and  nine  years  of  age  might  plan  and  execute  and 
which  demand  appreciation  of  color,  brightness,  and  form.  Plan 
the  same  for  children  under  seven  years. 

2.  When  is  the  eye  of  the  child  able  to  perceive  colors?  Of 
what  does  training  in  appreciation  and  recognition  of  color  and 
form  consist? 

3.  How  would  you  proceed  to  teach  colors,  bearing  in  mind  the 
necessity  of  connecting  colors  with  situations  which  seem  worth  while 
to  children  and  at  the  same  time  are  typical  of  the  situations  in  which 
color  will  be  necessary  throughout  life? 

4.  Show  how  you  would  subordinate  formal  work  in  color  and 
form  to  situations  in  which  need  of  both  occur. 

5.  How  would  you  eliminate  unnecessary  associations  of  color 
with  objects  which  it  is  not  important  to  associate  with  color  in  a 
striking  way? 

6.  Does  educational  procedure  in  appreciation  of  color  follow  the 
color  schemes  used  in  connection  with  industry,  railroading,  and 


424        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

advertising?     How  far  would  you  use  these  color  associations  in  an 
educational  scheme? 

7.  How  far  can  nature  be  used  as  a  guide  to  appreciation  of 
color?  Make  a  list  of  ways  in  which  children  learn  colors  in 
connection  with  gardening,  hikes,  and  excursions. 

8.  If  recognition  of  form  is  of  great  importance,  how  would  you 
undertake  training  for  an  appreciation  of  form  in  life  situations? 
Illustrate  through  projects  in  which  the  essentials  of  form  are  neces- 
sarily perceived  and  applied. 

0.  Plan  ten  projects  which  reveal  the  application  of  the  essential 
characteristics  of  spheres,  cylinders,  cubes,  and  wheels  to  industrial 
purposes.     Name  ten  toys  illustrating  the  uses  of  each. 

10.  Make  a  list  of  twenty-five  toys  which  you  consider  require 
special  coloring  to  be  serviceable  and  beautiful  to  children.  Indi- 
cate the  colors  to  be  used  in  decorating  each. 

1  i .  Indicate  how  recognition  and  appreciation  of  color  and  form 
may  be  taught  in  connection  with  arithmetic,  geography,  history, 
dressmaking,  and  cookery. 

12.  Criticize  the  Montessori  method  of  teaching  color  and  form. 

13.  Show  how  colors  are  learned  in  connection  with  target  prac- 
tice, croquet,  puzzles,  card  games,  and  the  like. 

14.  Indicate  how  children  may  learn  color  and  form  in  playing 
grocery  store,  drug  store,  millinery  shop,  and  candy  store. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
Spontaneous  Experimentation  with  Sound 

Collateral  Reading 

W.  S.  Pratt:  The  History  of  Music,  chapter  i.  Primitive  or  Savage 

Music. 
C.  H.  Farnsworth:  How  to  Study  Music,  chapter  ii.  How  to  Listen 

to  Music. 
L.  Mohler:  Music  Moods  a  Basis  for  Appreciation. 
E.  B.  Tylor:  Anthropology,  chapter  iv,  Language. 
G.  W.  Woods:  School  Orchestras  and  Bands. 


APPENDIX   A  425 

Questions  and  Exercises 

1.  After  reading  Tylor's  Anthropology,  chapter  iv,  make  some 
suggestions  regarding  the  training  of  children  in  musical  apprecia- 
tion through  the  use  of  the  human  voice,  i.  e.,  training  involving 
recognition  of  low  and  loud,  slow  and  quick,  gentle  and  violent, 
and  of  changes  in  pitch. 

2.  How  far  can  spontaneous  interest  and  curiosity  in  connection 
with  experimentation  in  sound  be  carried  over  into  supervised 
music? 

3.  Make  a  list  of  sound  plays  a  mother  could  use  in  developing 
language  with  a  two-year -old  child. 

4.  How  far  do  current  systems  of  phonics  rely  upon  spontaneous 
interest  in  experimentation  with  sound  to  motivate  drill?  Criticize 
two  or  three  phonic  systems. 

5.  Point  out  ways  in  which  progressive  methods  in  music  apply 
and  utilize  children's  spontaneous  delight  in  reproducing  character- 
istic sounds  and  jingles. 

6.  Name  several  important  experiments  in  musical  appreciation 
in  connection  with  the  use  of  phonograph  records. 

7.  Describe  one  or  two  noted  educational  experiments  with 
toy  orchestras  in  the  elementary  school. 

8.  Study  the  Mother  Goose  rhymes  and  then  make  out  a  list  of 
ten  or  twelve  of  the  most  pleasing  and  characteristic  combinations 
of  sounds  which  you  find  there.  Make  a  list  of  the  same  number  of 
pleasing  sounds  in  nature  or  in  connection  with  industry.  Look 
through  song  primers  and  note  how  these  combinations  of  sounds  are 
utilized. 

9.  In  the  making  of  crude  musical  instruments  what  departments 
of  the  elementary  school  could  be  called  into  service? 

10.  Show  how  physics,  geography,  and  chemistry  may  be  applied 
in  experimentation  with  sound. 

n.  Study  children's  spontaneous  songs  and  list  ten  suggestions 
a  writer  of  songs  should  bear  in  mind  in  connection  with  subject 
matter,  rhythm,  and  duration  of  songs  for  small  children. 


APPENDIX  B 
Bibliography  of  References  concerning  Play 

•  Addams,  J.:  The  Spirit  of  Youth  and  the  City  Streets.     Macmillan. 

1909. 
American    Institute    of    Child    Life.     The    Dramatic    Instinct    in 

Children.     (Monograph  352.)     1914- 
♦Angell,  E.  D.     Play.     Little  Brown.     1910. 
Angell,    J.    R.:  Chapters  from    Modern    Psychology.     Longmans 

Green.     191 2. 

Chapter  vi,  Social  and  Racial  Psychology,  pp.  203-211. 
Appleton,   L.  E.:  A   Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of 

Adult  Savages  and  Civilized  Children.     Univ.  of  Chicago  Press. 

1910. 
Archer,     R.     A.:  "Spontaneous    Constructions     and    Primitive 

Activities  of  Children  Analogous  to  Those  of  Primitive  Man  " 

American  Journal  of  Psychology,  XXI,  114-150.     1910. 
Babcock,  W.  H.:  "Games  of  Washington  Children."     American 

Anthropologist,  I,  243-284.     1888. 
Bailey,  C.  S.:  Girls'  Make-dt-Home  Things.     Stokes.     191 2. 
Baldwin,  B.  T.:  The  Physical  Growth  of  Children  from  Birth  to 

Maturity.     (Studies    in    Child    Welfare,    Volume    1,    No.    1.) 

Univ.  of  Iowa.     192 1. 

Pp.  160-164  and  196-197. 
Baldwin,  J.  M.:  Mental  Development  in  the  Child  and  the  Race. 

Macmillan.     1894. 

Chapter  iii,  Distance  and  Color  Perception  by  Infants. 
Blanton,  M.  G.:  "The  Behavior  of  the  Human  Infant  During 

the  First  Thirty  Days  of  Life."     Psychological  Review,  XXIV, 

456-483.     1917. 

•  Bobbitt,  F.:  The  Curriculum.     Houghton  Mifflin.     1918. 

Chapter  ii,  Educational  Experience  upon  the  Play-Level. 
Chapter  iii,  Educational  Experience  upon  the  Work-Level. 
Chapter  xvii,  The  Function  of  Play  in  Human  Life. 
427 


428        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Bolton,  F.  E.:  "Hydro  Psychoses."  American  Journal  of  Psy- 
chology, X,  169-227.     1899. 

Bonser,  F.  G.:  The  Elementary  School  Curriculum.  Macmillan. 
1920. 

Chapter   v,    The    Emergence   of    the    Curriculum   from    Life 
Activities. 

Braucher,  H.  S.:  "Growth  and  Wealth  of  the  Playground  Move- 
ment."    American  City  (City  Edition),  XV,  645.      iqi6. 

Bryan,  W.  L. :  "On  the  Development  of  Voluntary  Motor  Ability." 
American  Journal  of  Psychology,  V,  125-204.      1892. 

Bureau  of  Educational  Experiments.  Playthings.  (Bulletin  1.) 
Bureau  of  Educational  Experiments.  16  \V.  8th  St.,  New  York. 
1917. 

Burk,  C.  F.:  "The  Collecting  Instinct."  Pedagogical  Seminary. 
VII,   179-207. 

Burk,  F.  L.:  "From  Fundamental  to  Accessory  in  the  Develop- 
ment of  the  Nervous  System  and  of  Movements."  Pedago- 
gical Seminary,  VI,  5-64.     1898. 

BURK,  F.  L.:  "Teasing  and  Bullying."  Pedagogical  Seminary, 
IV,  336-37I-      i8Q7- 

•  Cabot,  R.  C:  What  Men  Live  By.     Houghton  Mifflin.     1914. 

Chapter  i.  Work,  Play  and  Drudgery. 

Chapter  x.  Playfulness,  Seriousness  and  Dullness. 

Chapter  xi.  Play,  Recreation  and  the  Other  Arts. 

Chapter  xvi,  Chaotic  Plays,  Disjointed  Plays  and  Others. 
Carr,  H.  A.:  The  Survival  Values  of  Play.     (Investigations  of  the 

Department  of  Psychology  and  Education,  Volume  1,  No.  2.) 

Univ.  of  Colorado.     1902. 
Chamberlain,  A.   F.:  The  Child  and   Childhood   in   Folk-thought. 

Macmillan.      IQ03. 
«  Chamberlain,  A.  F.:  The  Child:  ,1  Study  in  the  Evolution  of  Man. 

Scribner.     igoo. 

Chapter  ii.  The  Meaning  of  Youth  and  Play. 

Chapter  vi,  The  Arts  of  Childhood. 

•  Chask.  J.  H.:  "Street  Games  of  New  York  Children,"  Pedagogical 

Seminary,  12.  503-4. 
Chassel,  C.  F.,  and  Upton,  M.S.:  "Scales  for  Measuring  Habits 
of  Good  Citizenship."  Teachers  College  Record,  XX  I II.  52-80. 


APPENDIX   B  429 

Chubb,  P.  (and  Associates}  :  Festivals  and  Plays  in  Schools  and 

Elsewhere.     Harper.     191 2. 
Colvin,  S.  S.:  The  Learning  Process.     Macmillan.     191 1. 

Chapter  i,  Fundamental  Elements  in  the  Learning  Process. 
Colvin,  S.  S.,  and  Bagley,  W.  C:  Human  Behavior.     Macmillan. 

1913- 

Chapter  x,  How  Instinctive  Human  Behavior  May  be  Changed. 
Comstock,    A.    B.:  The   Pet   Book.     Second   Edition.     Comstock 

Pub.  Co.     191 5. 
*Cook,  H.  C:   The  Play  Way:  An  Essay  in  Educational  Method. 

Stokes.     1915. 

Chapter  i,  General  Principles  of  the  Play  Way. 

Chapter  ii,  General  Methods  of  the  Play  Way. 
Corbin,  A.  M.:  The  School  of  Childhood  of  the  University  of  Pitts- 
burgh.    (Bulletin,  Volume   10,  No.  8.)     Univ.  of  Pittsburgh. 

1914. 
Crawford,  C,  and   Fogg,    E.    R.:  The    Rhythms    of   Childhood. 

Barnes.     191 5. 
Cromie,   W.    J.:  "Eight    Minutes'    Common-Sense   Play   for   the 

Growing  Child."     Outlook,  CVIII,  188-195.     1914. 
►Croswell,  T.  R.:  "Amusements  of  Worcester  School  Children." 

Pedagogical  Seminary,  VI,  314-371.     1899. 
Culin,    S. :  "Hawaiian   Games."     American   Anthropologist,    New 

Series,  I,  201-247.     1899. 

•  Culin,    S. :  "Street   Games   of    Boys   in    Brooklyn,    New   York." 

Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  IV,  221-237.     1891. 
Curtis,  E.  W.:  The  Dramatic  Instinct  in  Education.     Houghton 
Mifflin.     1914. 
Chapter  vi,  Play. 
Chapter  vii,  Dancing. 
Chapter  xi,  Pageantry. 

•  Curtis,  H.  S.:  Education  through  Play.     Macmillan.     1915. 
Curtis,  H.  S. :  The  Play  Movement  and  its  Significance.     Macmillan. 

1917. 
Curtis,  H.  S.:  The  Practical  Conduct  of  Play.     Macmillan.     1915. 
Dearborn,  G.  V.  N.:  The  Influence  of  Joy.     Little  Brown.     1916. 
Dearborn,  G.  V.  N.:  Motor-sensory  Development.     Warwick  and 

York.     1910. 


430        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Dewey,  J. :  How  We  Think.    Heath.     1910. 

Chapter  xii.  Activity  and  the  Training  of  Thought. 
DEWEY,  J.:  Interest  and  Effort  in   Education.     Houghton  Mifflin. 

IQI3- 

Chapter  iv,  Types  of  Educative  Interests. 
Dewey,    J.:  "Interpretations    of    Savage    Mind."     Psychological 

Review,  IX.  217-230.     1902. 
»  Dewey,   J.:    "Play."     "Play   and   Education."     The    Cyclopedia 

of  Education.     Macmillan.     iqi3- 
•DEWEY,  J.  and  Dewey,  E.:  Schools  of  Tomorrow.      Dutton.      1915- 
Dobbs,  E.  V.:  Primary  Handwork.     Macmillan.      1914. 

Chapter  v,  The  House  Problem. 

Chapter  vii,  Sand  Tables  and  What  to  Do  with  Them. 

Chapter  viii.  Animals  and  Toys. 
Dorrett,  0.  W.:  Music  and  the  Play  Instinct.     World  Book  Co. 

1915- 

Ellwood,  C.  A.:  Sociology  in  its  Psychological  Aspects.     Appleton. 
1912. 
Chapter  ix.  The  Role  of  Instinct  in  the  Social  Life. 

EVANS,  E.:   The  Problem  of  the  Nervous  Child.     Dodd  Mead.     10:0. 

Felton,  R.  A.:  Serving  the  Neighborhood.     Missionary  Education 
Movement.     156  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York.     1020. 

FLEXNER,    A.:  A    Modern    School.     (Occasional    Papers,    No.    3.) 
General  Education  Board.     1916. 
■  Folson,  J.  K.:  "The  Scientific  Play  World  of  a  Child."     Pedago- 
gical Seminary.  XXII,  161-182.      ro  1  5- 
» Forbush,  W.  B.:   The  Boy  Problem.     Pilgrim  Press.     1901. 

Forbush,    W.    B.:  Child    Study    and    Child    Training.     Scribner. 

1915- 
•  Forbush,  W.  B.:  Manual  of  Play.     George  W.  Jacobs  &  Co.     im  \- 
•FREEMAN,  F.  N.:  How  Children  Learn.     Houghton  Mifflin.     1917. 

Chapter  iv,  The  Child's  Native  Responses:  Play. 
Froebel,  F.:   The  Education  of  Man.     Appleton.      1887. 
Gardner,  P.:  "Some  Games  of  Philippine  Children."     Journal  of 

America)!  Pall:  Lore,  XX.    1 10-120.      1007. 
Gesei.i.,  A.  L.  and  Gesei.l,  B.  C:   The  Normal  Child  and  Primary 

Education.     Ginn.     191 2. 

Chapter  viii,  Touch  and  the  Appreciation  of  Things. 


APPENDIX  B  431 

Chapter  x,  Dramatic  Expression. 

Chapter  xii,  Language. 

Chapter  xiii,  Handwork. 
»  Gillin,  J.  L.:  "The  Sociology  of  Recreation."     American  Journal 

of  Sociology,  XIX,  825-834.     1914. 
Gomme,   A.    B.:    Dictionary    of  British   Folk-Lore.     Nutt.     1894. 

Part   1,  The  Traditional  Games  of  England,   Scotland  and 

Ireland.     2  volumes. 
♦  Groos,  K.:  The  Play  of  Man.     Appleton.     1901. 
Groszmann,  M.  P.  E.:  The  Exceptional  Child.     Scribner.     191 7. 

Chapter  xxii,  The  Kindergarten  Period. 
Gulick,  L.  H.:  The  Healthful  Art  of  Dancing.     Doubleday  Page. 

1910. 
Gulick,  L.  H.:  A  Philosophy  of  Play.     Scribner.     1920. 

Chapter  iii,  Hunting  and  Fighting. 

Chapter  v,  Fire  Play. 

Chapter  xii,  Play  and  Physical  Growth. 
Gulick,  L.  H.:  "Psychological,  Pedagogical  and  Religious  Aspects 

of  Group  Games."     Pedagogical  Seminary,  VI,  135-151.     1899. 
•Hall,  G.  S.  and   Others:  Aspects  of  Child  Life  and  Education. 

Ginn.     1907. 
%Hall,  The  Story  of  a  Sand  Pile,  pp.  142-156. 

Hall  &  Ellis,  A  Study  of  Dolls,  pp.  157-204. 

Burk,  The  Collecting  Instinct,  pp.  205-240. 

Ellis,  Fetichism  in  Children,  pp.  287-299. 
Hall,  G.  S.  and  Browne,  C.  E.:  "Children's  Ideas  of  Fire,  Heat, 

Frost,  and  Cold."     Pedagogical  Seminary,  X,  27-85.     1903. 
»  Hall,  G.  S.:   Youth,  Its  Education,  Regimen  and  Hygiene.     Apple- 
ton.     1904. 

Chapter  vi,  Play,  Sports  and  Games. 
Hancock,  J.  A.:  "A  Preliminary  Study  of  Motor  Ability,"  Peda- 
gogical Seminary,  III,  8-29.     1894. 
Hancock,  J.  A.:  "Work  and  Play."     Education,  XXV,  257-268. 

1905. 
Hetherington,  C.  W.:  The  Demonstration  Play  School  of  IQ13. 

(Publications:  Education,  V,   241-288.)      Univ.  of  California. 

1 914.     (Same   article,    American   Physical   Education   Review, 

XX,  282-94;  373-80;  429-45-    1915-) 


432        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Herts,  A.  M.:  The  Children's  Educational  Theatre.  Harper. 
km  i . 

Herts,  A.  M.:  "Dramatic  Instinct,  Its  Use  and  Misuse."  Peda- 
gogical Seminary.  XV,  550-562.      190S. 

Hill,  P.  S.,  Editor:  Experimental  Studies  in  Kindergarten  Theory 
and  Practice.     Teachers  College,  Columbia  Univ.     1914. 

Hunt,  J.  L.:  .1  Catalogue  of  Play  Equipment  for  Little  Children. 
(Bulletin  8.)  Bureau  of  Educational  Experiments.  16  West 
8th  Street,  New  York.     1918. 

JaQUES-Dalcroze.  E.:  Rhythm,  Music  and  Education.  Putnam. 
1921. 

Chapter  v,  Music  and  the  Child. 
Chapter  ix,  Rhythm  and  Creative  Imagination. 
Chapter  x.  Rhythm  and  Gesture  in  Music  Drama  and  Criti- 
cism. 

Jennings,  H.   S.,  Watson,  J.   B.,   Meyer,  A.,  Thomas,  W.   I.: 
Suggestions   of  Modern   Science   Concerning   Education.     Mac- 
millan.     1917. 
Pp.  6-17,  Heredity  and  Diversity  in  Children. 

Johnson,  B.  J.:  Experimental  Study  of  Motor  Abilities  of  Children 
in  Primary  Grades.  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Studies  in  Educa- 
tion, No.  2.)     Johns  Hopkins  Press.     191 7. 

Johnson,  C:  When  Mother  Lets  Us  Keep  Pets.     Moffatt.     1911. 
-Johnson,  G.  E.     Education  by  Plays  and  Games.     Ginn.      i9°7- 
•Johnson,  G.  E.  Education  'Through  Recreation.     (Cleveland  Educa- 
tion   Survey.)     The    Survey    Committee    of    the    Cleveland 
Foundation.     1916. 

Johnson,  G.  E.:  "Play  as  a  Moral  Equivalent  of  War."  The 
Playground,  VI,  111-123.  191 2.  (Same  article,  American 
Physical  Education  Review,  XVI,  291-301.     191 1.) 

Johnson-,  V.  E.:  Chemistry  and  Chemical  Magic.  Oxford  Univ. 
Press.     iqi2. 

Johnson,  V.  E.:  Plying  and  Some  of  its  Mysteries.  Oxford  Univ. 
Press,     it)  1  2. 

Judd,  C.  H.:  Psychology.     Second  Edition.     Ginn.     1917. 
Chapter  vi,  Experience  and  Behavior. 
Chapter  x,  Speech  as  a  Form  of  Behavior. 


APPENDIX  B  433 

Kendall,  C.  N.  and  Mirick,  G.  A.:  How  to  Teach  the  Special 

Subjects.     Houghton  Mifflin.     1918. 

Chapter  iii,  Physical  Education  and  Play. 
Kent,    E.    B.:  The    Constructive    Interests    of   Children.     (Thesis, 

Ph.  D.)     Teachers  College,  Columbia  Univ.     1903. 
Key,  E.:  The  Century  of  the  Child.     Putnam.     1909. 
♦Kidd,  D.:  Savage  Childhood.     A  Study  of  Kafir  Children.     Black. 

1906. 

Chapter  v,  Play. 
Kilpatrick,    W.    H.:  The    Project    Method.     Teachers    College, 

Columbia  Univ.     1918. 
King,  I.:  Education  for  Social  Efficiency.     Appleton.     1913. 

Chapter  vii,  Play  as  a  Factor  in  Social  Efficiency. 
King,  I.:  The  Psychology  of  Child  Development.     Univ.  of  Chicago 

Press.     1903. 
Kirkpatrick,  E.  A.:  Fundamentals  of  Child  Study.     New  Edition. 

Macmillan.     191 7. 

Chapter  ix,  Development  of  Adaptive  Instincts  —  Play. 
Kirkpatrick,  E.  A.:  The  Individual  in  the  Making.     Houghton 

'Mifflin.     191 1. 

Chapter  ii,  Interest. 

Chapter  v,  Imitating  and  Socializing  Stage. 
Kline,  L.  W.  and  France,  C.  J.:  "The  Psychology  of  Ownership." 

Pedagogical  Seminary,  VI,  421-470.     1899. 
Krackowizer,  A.  M.:  Projects  in  the  Primary  Grades.     Lippincott. 

1919. 
Langenbeck,  M.:  "A  Study  of  a  Five-year-old  Child."     Peda- 
gogical Seminary,  XXII,  65-88.     191 5. 
Lee,  J.:  "Play  as  an  Antidote  to  Civilization."     The  Playground, 

V,  110-126.     1911. 
Lee,  J.:  "Play  as  Medicine."     The  Play  ground,  V,  289-302.     1911. 
»  Lee,  J.:  Play  in  Education.     Macmillan.     191 5. 
McDougall,  W. :  A  n  Introduction  to  Social  Psychology.     Thirteenth 

Edition.     Luce.     191 8. 

Chapter  xi,  The  Instinct  of  Pugnacity. 

Chapter  xii,  The  Gregarious  Instinct. 

Chapter  xv,  Imitation,  Play  and  Habit. 


434        SPONTANEOUS  AND   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

'McKeever,  W.  A.:  Training  the  Boy.     Macmillan.     1013. 
Chapter  vii,  Play  and  Playthings. 

•  McGhee,  /.:  "A  Study  in  the  Play  Life  of  Some  South  Carolina 

Children."     Pedagogical  Seminary,  VII,  450-478.     1900. 
McGough,   F.  J.:  "Problems  of  Supervision  of  a  Playground." 

The  Playground,  IX.  127-133.     191 5. 
McGough,    F.   J.:  "The   Sand   Pile  —  Its  Use  and  Care."     The 

Playground,  IX,  160-164.      1915. 
McMURRY,  C.  A.:   Teaching  by  Projects.     Macmillan.     1920. 
MacPherson,  S.:  The  Musical   Education  of  the  Child.     Boston 

Music  Co.     1 9 16. 
Major.  D.  R.:  First  Steps  in  Mental  Growth.     Macmillan.     1906. 

Chapter  vi.  Color. 

Chapter  xii,  Play. 
»  Mangold,  G.  B.:  Child  Problems.     Macmillan.     1910. 

Book  2,  Chapter  i.  Play. 

Book  2,  Chapter  ii.  The  Playground  Movement. 

•  Mangold,  G.  B.:  Problems  of  Child  Welfare.     Macmillan.     1914. 

Part  2,  Chapter  iv,  Play  and  Recreation. 
Marot,  H.:  Creative  Impulse  in  Industry.      Dutton.      1918. 
Matf.er,  F.:   Child  Behavior;  a  Critical  and  Experimental  Study  of 

Young  Children  by  the  Method  of  Conditional  Reflexes.     Badger. 

1918. 

•  Meriam,  J.  L.:  Child  Life  and  the  Curriculum.     World  Book  Co. 

1920. 

Chapter  xiv.  School  Studies  —  Play. 

Chapter  xvi,  School  Studies  —  Handwork. 
Miller,  I.  L.:   The  Psychology  of  Thinking.     Macmillan.      1909. 

Chapter  xiv,  Development  of  the  Imagination  in  Relation  to 

Thinking. 
MOLL,  A.:   The  Sexual  Life  of  the  Child.      Macmillan.      [912. 
Montessori,  M.:  The Montessori  Method.    Sixth  Edition.    Stokes. 

1912. 
Montessori.    M.:   Spontaneous    Activity   in    Education.      (The   Ad- 
vance] Montessori  Method,  Volume  i.)     Stokes,     [917. 
Myers,  G.  C:  "Grasping,  Reaching  and  Handling."    American 

Journal  of  Psychology,  XXVI,  525-530.     [915. 


APPENDIX   B  435 

♦  Newell,  W.  W.:  Games  and  Songs  of  American  Children.     Harper. 

1884. 

Norsworthy,  N.  and  Whitley,  M.  T.:  The  Psychology  of  Child- 
hood.    Macmillan.     1918. 

Oberndorf,  C.  P.:  "The  Emotional  Life  of  the  Child."  Archives 
of  Pediatrics,  XXXIV,  747.     1917. 

Oppenheim,  N.:  The  Development  of  the  Child.  Macmillan.  1898. 
Chapters  ii  and  iii,  Facts  in  the  Comparative  Development  of 
the  Child. 

*  O'Shea,    M.    V.:  Social    Development   and    Education.     Houghton 

Mifflin.     1909. 
Chapter  ix,  Social  Types. 

Chapter  xiii,  Cooperation  in  Group  Education. 
Palmer,  L.  A.:  Play  Life  in  the  First  Eight  Years.     Ginn.     1916. 

•  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.:  Psychology  of  Relaxation.     Houghton  Mifflin. 

1916. 

Chapter  ii,  The  Psychology  of  Play. 
Pintner,  R.:   "Esthetic   Appreciation  of  Pictures  by  Children." 

Pedagogical  Seminary,  XXV,  216-218.     1918. 
Pray,  F.:  "Children's  Dramatic  Games,  Ancient  and  Modern." 

Education,  XXV,  356-365.     1905. 

•  Puffer,  J.  A.:  The  Boy  and  His  Gang.     Houghton  Mifflin.     191 2. 

Chapter    x,    The    Individualistic    Activities    and    the    Group 

Games. 

Chapter  xiii,  The  Gang  and  the  School. 
Pyle,  W.  H.:  The  Psychology  of  Learning.     Warwick  and  York. 

1921. 

Chapter  xiii,  Inborn  Nature  in  Relation  to  Learning. 
Randall,  J.   L.:  Educative  and  Economic  Possibilities  of  School- 
Directed    Home    Gardening    in    Richmond,    Indiana.     (U.    S. 

Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  1917,  No.  6.) 
Rapeer,  L.  W.,  Editor:  Educational  Hygiene.     Scribner.     1915. 

Chapter  xxi,  Play  and  Playgrounds  in  Cities,  G.  E.  Johnson. 

Chapter  xxiv,  Play  and  Recreation  at  the  Rural  School,  S.  H. 

Curtis. 
Reeder,    R.    R.:  How    Two   Hundred   Children   Live   and   Learn. 

Charities  Publication  Committee.     1910. 


436        SPONTANEOUS  AXD  SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Rus,  J.:   The  Children  of  the  Poor.     Scribner.     1892. 
Chapter  xvii,  The  Truants  of  <  hir  Stn 

Rusk,  R.  R.:  Introduction  to  Ex  pen  men  lot  Education.     Longmans 

Green.     1913. 

Chapter  iii,  The  General  Development  of  the  Child  —  Physical 

and  Mental. 
•  Seashore,    C.    E.:  Psychology   in    Daily    Life.     Appleton.     1913. 

Chapter  i.  Play. 
Shedlock,  M.:  "Dramatic  Instinct  in  the  Social  Life  of  the  Child." 

Socio!  Education  Quarterly,  I,  61-65.     January,  1908. 
'  SHELDON,     H.     D.:  "The     Institutional     Activities    of    American 

Children."  American  Journal  of  Psychology,  IX.  425-48.  i8q8. 
Shinn,  M.W.:  The  Biography  of  a  Baby.  Houghton  Mifflin,  iqoo. 
Sies,  A.  C:  "Problems  in  Sensory-motor  Education  Involving  the 

Selection  of  Play  Materials  and  Apparatus  for  Small  Children." 

Kindergarten  and  First  Grade,  I.  40-55.     1916. 
SlSSOX,  G.:  "Children's  Plays."     Studies   in   Education ,   edited  by 

Earl  Barnes.     First  Series,  I,  Stanford  Univ.      1896-97. 
Slaughter,   J.    W.:  "The    Moon    in    Childhood   and   Folklore." 

American  Journal  of  Psychology.  XIII,  204-3  iS.      1002. 
Strayer,  G.  D.  and  Norsworthy.  X.:  How  to  Teach.    Macmillan. 

1917. 

Chapter  ix.  Meaning  of  Play  in  Education. 
St.  Johnston.  R.:  .1  History  of  Dancing.     Simpkin.     1006. 
Stevenson,    R.    L.:  "Child's    Play."     In    Virginibus    Puerisque. 

Scribner. 
Strutt.   J.:   The   Sports   and   Pastimes   of  the    People   of  England. 

Chatto  &  Windus.     1876. 
Swift,  E.  J.:  Mind  in  the  Making.     Scribner.     iqo8. 

Chapter  ii.   Criminal  Tendencies  of  Boys;  Their  Cause  and 

Function. 

Chapter  vi.  The  Psychology  of  Learning. 
»  Swift,  E.  J.:  Youth  and  the  Race.     Scribner.     191 2. 

Chapter  iii.  The  Chance  to  Grow. 

Chapter  vii,  The  Spirit  of  the  Gang:  an  Educational  Asset. 
Tanner,  A.  E.:  The  Child.    Rand  McNally.     1004. 
Terman,    L.    M.:  The   Hygiene   of  the   School   Child.     Houghton 

Mifflin.     1914. 


APPENDIX   B  437 

Chapter  v,  Some  Physiological  Differences  Between  Children 

and  Adults. 

Chapter  xvi,  The  Nervous  Child. 

•  Thomas,   W.    I.:  "The   Gaming   Instinct,"   American   Journal   of 

Sociology,  VI,  750-63- 

•  Thorxdike.  E.  L.:  Educational  Psychology.     3  volumes.     Teachers 

College,  Columbia  Univ.     1913-14. 
Thorndike,    E.    L.:  Notes    on    Child    Study.     Second    Edition. 

(Columbia  University  Contributions  to  Philosophy,  Psychology 

&  Education,  Volume  8,  Nos.  3-4.)     Macmillan.     1903. 

Chapter  xiv.  The  Emotional  Life  of  Children. 

Chapter  xv,  The  Active  Side  of  Child  Life. 

Chapter  xvi,  Moral  Education  and  Discipline. 

Chapter  xxi,  Differences  between  Boys  and  Girls  in  Mental 

Traits. 
Town,  C.  H.:  An  Analytic  Study  of  a  Group  of  Five  and  Six-year-old 

Children.     (Studies    in    Child    Welfare,    Volume    1,    No.    4.) 

Univ.  of  Iowa.     192 1. 
Trettien,  A.  W.:  "Creeping  and  Walking."     American  Journal  of 

Psychology,  XII,  1-57.     1900. 

•  Tyler,  J.  M.:  Growth  and  Education.     Houghton  Mifflin.     1907. 

Chapter  v,  Growth  of  the  Neuro-Muscular  System. 

Chapter  x,  The  Kindergarten  Period. 

Chapter  xi,  The  Child  Entering  School. 

Chapter  xiv.  Physical  Training  —  Place  of  Play  in  Education. 
Tylor,  E.  B.:  Anthropology.     Macmillan.     1881. 

Chapters  iv  and  v,  Language  (Including  Primitive  Sounds.) 
Waddle,  C.  W. :  An  Introduction  to  Child  Psychology.     Houghton 

Mifflin.     1918. 

Chapter  vi,  The  Play  of  Children. 
Walker,  J.  R.:  "Sioux  Games."     Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

XVIII,  277-290.     1905. 
Warner,  F.:  The  Study  of  Children.     Macmillan.     1897. 

Chapter   ii,   The   Body  of   the   Child:   Its   Construction   and 

Growth. 
Watson,  J.  B.:  Psychology  from  the  Standpoint  of  a  Behaviorist. 

Lippincott.     1919. 

Chapter  vi,  Hereditary  Modes  of  Response:  Emotions. 

Chapter  vii,  Hereditary  Modes  of  Response:  Instincts. 


438         SPONTANEOUS   AXD   SUPERVISED   PLAY 

Wells,  M.  E.:   .1  Project  Curriculum.     Lippincott.      1921. 

Section  i,  The  Curriculum  as  Worked  Out  in  Trenton,  N.  J. 
White,  W.  A.:  The  Menial  Hygiene  of  Childhood.     Little  Brown. 

IQIQ. 

Chapter  iv,  Stages  of  Development. 
Chapter  viii.  Further  Problems  —  Play. 
»Wood.   W.:  Children's   Play   and   its   Place   in   Education.     Kegan 

Paul.     1913. 
Woodrow,  H.:  Brightness  and  Dullness  in  Children.     Lippincott. 

IQIQ. 

Chapter  iii.  Brightness  and  Dullness. 
Woodworth,  R.   S.:  Psychology,  a  Study  of  Mental  Life.     Holt. 
1921. 
Chapter  xix,  Imagination,  pp.  481-488. 


INDEX 


Activity,  multiform  physical,  209 
ff.;  2ii,  212,  213,  216,  221; 
mental,  31  ff.,  35  ff. 

Adventure,  love  of,  36  ff.,  100  ff. 

^Esthetics,  training  in,  86,  92,  308, 
322  ff.,  342. 

Age,  differences  in  play,  30,  31, 
35.  36,  37-  39,  53.  56  ff.,  58, 
79,  103  ff.,  124,  177,  180;  dif- 
ferences in  physical  develop- 
ment, 223,  224,  225,  235. 

American  Institute  of  Child  Life, 
28,  43. 

Amusement,  21  ff. 

Analysis,  method  of  in  play,  6  ff. 

Anger,  1 1 1 . 

Apparatus,  play,  214  ff.,  234  ff., 
241  ff.,  246,  247. 

Appleton,  L.  E.,  19,  231,  234. 

Approval,  desire  for,  48. 

Archer,  283,  287. 

Arithmetic,  learned  in  play,  81, 
88,  91,  319. 

Attention,  span  of,  35;  to  stimuli, 
51,  141,  148,  149. 

Attitudes,  307. 

Babbling,  384. 

Bad  roles,  44,  93. 

Ball  games,  102,  269. 

Bolton,  F.  E.,  346. 

Book,  W.  F.,  228. 

Boys,    preferences   in   play,    101, 

243,  244,  246,  287,  344. 
Boy  Scouts,  102  ff. 
Brightness,  sensations  of ,  364,  365. 
Brown,  C.  E.,  and  Hall,  G.  S.,  341, 

344- 
Bryan,  W.  L.,  218. 
Bullying  and  teasing,  III,  116. 
Burk,  C.  F.,  79. 

Cady,  C.  B.,  390. 

Camp  Fire  Girls,  102  ff.,  343. 

Chemistry,  92. 

Clay,  311  ff.,  313  ff.,  323  ff. 


Climbing,  244  ff. 

Clinics,  212  ff.,  220  ff. 

Collecting,  9,  77  ff.,  86;  arranging 
and  classifying,  77  ff;  progres- 
sion in,  79  ff. 

Color,  364,  365;  appreciation  of 
through  play,  92,  371,  372. 

Competition,  247,  251  ff. 

Concentration,  35  ff. 

Concepts,  moral,  44  ff.;  of  rela- 
tionship, 151. 

Constructive  activities,  157,  158 
ff.,  174,  175,  176  ff.,  367  ff.,  371. 

Cooperation,  49  ff.,  134,  231,  307. 

Crawford,  C,  and  Fogg,  E.  R., 
390. 

Creeping,  237  ff. 

Cruelty,  39. 

Culture-epoch  theory,  97  ff. 

Curiosity,  342,  347,  363,  385. 

Curtis,  H.,  259. 

Dancing,  105,  266,  272,  276. 

Dearborn,  G.  V.  N.,  221. 

Delinquency,  juvenile,  44  ff.,  289, 
290. 

Development,  physical,  223  ff., 
241  ff. 

Dewey,  J.,  103,  307. 

Doll  play,  51,  53. 

Dramatization  and  instinct,  27, 
31;  in  infancy,  27,  179  ff.; 
meaning  of,  28,  30;  in  relation 
to  laws  of  exercise  and  effect, 
30;  and  children's  interests,  17; 
a  reflex  of  life,  31,  34,  181;  and 
favorite  roles,  35  ff.;  of  facts, 
fairy  tales  and  myths,  40  ff.; 
and  language,  47  ff. 

Drawing,  65,  94,  96. 

Ellwood,  C.  A.,  114. 

Emotions,    training    of,    through 

play,  46  ff .,  132 ;  overstimulation 

of,  in  play,  46. 
Emulation,  120,  134,  135. 


439 


44t> 


INDEX 


Environment,  7. 

Exercise  and  effect,  laws  of,  and 

play,  30,  j  10. 
Experience  and  play,  3  fT. 
Experimental  method,  in  study  of 

play,  5. 

perimentation,    $12,    ^42,    ^4^, 

371,  381,  386. 

Farnsworfch,  C.  H.,  390. 
Fatigue,  in  play,   14,   16,   18,  32, 

34;  in  work,  21. 
Fighting   instinct,    in    fT.;    socio- 

logical  significance  of,    113  ff.; 

educational  use  of,  1 15  fT.,  n8ff. 
Finger-play    and    knowledge,    56, 

3<>4- 
Fire-play,  341  fT.,  344. 
Fire-playing  propensity,  344. 
Food-getting  and  hunting,  97. 
Forbush,  \V.  B.,  314,  317. 
Form,  perception  of,  $64,  $67  IT., 

371- 
Fundamental  to  accessory,  theory 

of,  217,  218,  219,  278. 

Games,  distinguished  from  plays, 
225,  22<.)\  and  eombath 
1  in  fT.;  of  skill,  229  ff.,  231,  24^, 
252  fT.,  255  fT.,  294  ff.,  296  ff.; 
in  defined  and  undefined  groups, 
231;  dramatic,   Part   II. 

Gang,  99  ff. 

Gardening,  321  ff.,  322. 

' "  ell,  314  ft. 

Girls,  sex  difference  in  play,  52, 
115,  243,  244,  276,  308,  344  ff. 

Glyn,  M.  H.,  390. 

Gomme,  A.  B.,  230. 

Gregariousness,  9,  102. 

Groos.  K.,  37,  56,  2i,H,  244,  273, 
,  286,  366,  368,  1*2. 

Growth,  of  muscles,   2*28;  of  im- 
agery, 56  ff. 

Habit,  and  dramatization,  47  ff.; 
muscular,  220  fT.;  laws  of,  22s. 
1  [al  itation,  52,  76. 
Hall,  G.  S.,  53,314. 
Hancock,  J.  A..  2  [8. 
H<  alth,  211  fT.,  214,  216. 
Honor,  1  [5. 


Hopping,  242  ff. 

Hunting,  97,  98  ff.,  101,  102  ff., 

111. 
Hygiene    taught    through 

[34  ff-i  176. 

and  action,  1 2,  27,  235. 
Illusion,  in  play,  37. 
1  ,  12,  27,  [42  ff.;  disparity 

between   and   reality,  <;<;  ft.;   re- 
construction   of,    39    ff.,    73    ff., 

367 ;  development  of,  im  ff. 

Imagination,  development  of,  in 
play:  reproductive,  41 ;  produc- 
tive, 40. 

Imitation,  not  original  tendency, 
30;  in  relation  to  laws  of  exercise 
and  effect,  30,  49,  227;  of  strik- 
ing and  novel  effects,  35,  14S;  in 
infancy,  1S4  fT.;  and  play,  7,  31. 

Industrv,  elements  of,  in  play,  90 
fT.,  307  ff. 

Infancy,  plays  in,  1.S4  ff.;  move- 
ments of,  221  ff.,  364. 

Information,  81  ff.,  88,  89  ff.,  [34, 
322;  concerning  character,  44 
IT.,  94. 

Instincts,  educational  signifies 
of,    50,    54,    116;   in    play   and 
work,  6,  9;  non-social,  1*7,   100, 
112;  cataloging  of,  217. 

Intelligence,  low  types,    120,    127, 

[31;  tests,  220. 
Interest,  breadth  of,  in  play,  3  ff., 
17  IT. 

Jacques-Dalcroze,  E.,  277 

Johnson,  G.  E.,  preface,  1  15,  22^. 
Judgment    in    play,    2.^,2,   234   ff., 

236. 
Jumping,  245  fT. 
Justice,  sense  of ,  in  play,  113,  116, 

125  ff. 

Kilpatrick,  \V.  11.,  310,  372. 
Kinesthetic  effei  I  .  185,  274,  367. 
Kindergarten,  ji  ff.,  $4,  140,  218, 

.  377.  ff- 
Kindline  s,  134,  151  fT. 

Kirk,  P.,  V)<>. 

Labor,  and  play,  s;  and  industry, 

2J  fT. 


INDEX 


441 


Leadership,  desire  for,  64;  in 
play,  77,  141. 

Learning,  process,  226;  of  move- 
ments, 210,  219,  277. 

Lee,  J.  E.,  101,  289,  291,  314, 

Light,  perception  of,  364. 

Macpherson,  S.,  390. 

McDougall,  W.,  in,  113,  115. 

McEwen,  J.  B.,  275. 

McGhee,  Z.,  251,  299. 

McGough,  F.,  319. 

Manipulation,  in  play,  52,  55,  77, 
87,  224,  304,  306  ff.,  324,  386. 

Mastering  and  submissive  be- 
havior, 93,  102. 

Mayard,  G.,  390. 

Memory,  in  play,  86  ff . 

Method,  in  play,  226  ff.,  277,  307, 

363,  371- 

Meuman,  E.,  228. 

Miller,  D.  C,  391. 

Mohler,  L.,  386. 

Montessori,  M.,  247,  371. 

Motherly  behavior,  9,  51  ff.,  53  ff. 

Movements,  gross  bodily,  212, 
223  ff.,  237,  257,  272;  minor 
bodily,  218,  219,  220;  order  of 
development  of,  217  ff.,  221  ff., 
223  ff.,  309;  instinctive  basis  of, 
210,  216,  244;  volitional,  217, 
221,  222  ff.,  229;  reflex  and 
automatic,  209;  progress  in,  221 
ff. ;  rhythmic,  275;  perception 
of,  369  ff. 

Moving  pictures,  evils  of,  45  ff. 

Music,  appreciation  of,  384  ff. 

Natural  forces,  311. 

Nature    study,    appreciation    of, 

154  ff--  312,  322. 
Noises,  381,  383. 
Norsworthy,     N.,    and    Whitley, 

M.  T.,  56,  114,  115,  210,  217. 

Observation,    and    attention,    86, 

88;    and     reasoning,     88;    and 

dramatization,  41  ff. 
Obstacles,  value  of,  in  play,   100 

ff.,  234,  236. 
Occupations,  adult,  and  children's 

play,  22. 


Orchestra,  toy,  389  ff. 
Origin  of  play  and  work,  9. 
Originality,  310. 
Ownership,  sense  of,  9,  162. 

Personality,  social,  48,  49  ff. 

Physics,  love  of,  learned  in  play, 
177.  312, 319, 387  ff- 

Pictures,  90. 

Play  and  work,  same  origin,  9; 
distinguishing  characteristics, 
10  ff.;  variations  in,  17;  in  re- 
lation to  adult  occupations,  21 
ff.;  utilitarian,  57  ff. 

Play,  classification  of,  3. 

Playground,  National  Association, 
214  ff.,  216;  benefits  of,  226. 

Plot,  expansion  of,  in  plav,  58  ff., 
182. 

Poffenberger,  A.  T.,  44. 

Predatory  activities,  98  ff.;  or- 
ganizations, 100. 

Preferences  in  play,  17  ff.,  366. 
See  Boys  and  Girls. 

Projects,  310. 

Pugnacity,  m  ff.,  117. 

Punishment,  47,  113. 

Reasoning,    development    of,    in 

play,   149,  231,  232,  235.     See 

Judgment. 
Recapitulation,  342. 
Reflexes,  216,  221,  232. 
Repetition,  227,  231,  266,  274,  275. 
Responsibility,    training    through 

play,  89,  151. 
Rewards,  47,  210. 
Rhythm,  273,  274,  277,  279. 
Rivalry,  9,  117,  231,  251  ff. 
Robinson,  245. 
Rolling  and  spinning,  283  ff.,  298 

ff. 
Rousseau,  E.,  232. 
Ruger,  H.  A.,  227. 
Running  games,  no,  243,  247. 

Sand,  309,  313  ff.,  315  ff.;  table, 

314,  319  ff. 
School,  86,  88,  90,  120,  216,  226, 

309. 
Self-control,  in  play,  116,  236. 
Self-display,  in  play,  48,  III. 


442 


INDEX 


Sense  perception,  development  of, 

86,  87,  91;  and  movement,  181, 

232,  306,  364,  371,  384. 
Sex,  differences  in  play,  52,  115, 

307,  308,  343  ff.;  in  perception 

of  color,  366. 
Sevmour,  H.  H.,  391. 
Sheldon,  H.  D.,  100. 
Shepardson,  217. 
Sigismund,  275,  286. 
Skating,  270  ff. 
Skills,  specific,  acquisition  of,  57, 

59,  61,  236,  272. 
Sliding,  259,  263  ff.,  266  ff. 
Sound,  experimentation  with,  381 

ff.,  383  ff. 
Space,  perception  of,  366. 
Spaulding,  W.  R.,  391. 
Spencer,  273. 
St.  Johnson,  R.,  274. 
Stevenson,  R.  L.,  39. 
Supervision,  value  of,  in  play,  102, 

152,  174,  315;  dangers  of,  183, 

262. 
Swimming,  272,  278. 
Symbolism,  31  ff.,  156. 
Sympathy,  151  ff.,  154. 

Talent,  17  ff. 

Teasing  and  bullying,  9,  54  ff.,  109. 


Thorndike,  E.  L.,  30,  54,  70,  97, 

220,  244,  304,  347 
Throwing,  284,  286,  289. 
Tilley,  L.  E.,  238. 
Toys,  35,  158,  270,  265,  291,  306, 

317  ff.,  327  IT.,  354  ff-.  386. 
Transfer  oi  training,  54,  96,  371. 
Trettien,  A.  W.,  238. 
Trial  and  success,  226,  306. 
Tyler,  J.  M.,  223,  225. 

Vierordt,  K.,  223. 
Visual,  exploration,  304,  363;  edu- 
cation, 363. 
Vocalization,  304. 

Wading  pools,  352. 

Wagner,  H.,  292. 

Walking,  239  ff.,  241. 

Wallin,  J.  E.  W.,220. 

Warner,  F.,  222. 

Water  play,  272,  346  ff.,  352  ff., 

355- 
Whipple,  G.  M.,  365. 
Will,  227. 
Work,  see  Play. 
Writing,  use  of,  in  play,  219. 

Young-Helmholtz,  366. 


This  hook  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped   below 


A     MAY  is  19» 


AUG 


■Of 

MAtebWag 


MA 


&UI& 


URUD 


CCT 


•WILD 


•tat*. 


»%* 


ms&m 


Form  L-9-  lOi 


1977. 

REC'D  LD-UKl 


MAR  09  g» 


AWl  27  WW 


3   1158  00096  9484 


AA    000  781  517    8 


